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In diesem Kapitel werden die unterschiedlichen Wege der deutschen Länder in der Klimapolitik beleuchtet, wobei der Schwerpunkt auf ihrer Rolle bei der Verringerung der Treibhausgasemissionen liegt. Baden-Württemberg geht als klarer Vorreiter hervor, der insbesondere nach der Gründung der Under2 Coalition (U2C) konsequente politische Aktivitäten und ehrgeizige Klimaziele an den Tag legt. Die Analyse vergleicht die Klimapolitik Baden-Württembergs mit der anderer früherer Schreiner - Bayern, Hessen, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Schleswig-Holstein und Thüringen - und späterer Schreiner - Niedersachsen und Rheinland-Pfalz. Zu den zentralen Themen zählen die Auswirkungen des politischen Übergangs, strukturelle Bedingungen und der Einfluss der Energiewende-Strategie des Bundes auf den Klimaschutz auf bundesstaatlicher Ebene. Das Kapitel kommt zu dem Schluss, dass die U2C-Mitgliedschaft die Führung dort stärkte, wo günstige innenpolitische Bedingungen herrschten, während sie schwächere Auswirkungen auf rückständige Staaten hatte. Dieser aufschlussreiche Vergleich unterstreicht die Dynamik subnationaler Klimaführerschaft und die Bedeutung politischer Ambitionen und struktureller Zwänge für die Klimapolitik.
KI-Generiert
Diese Zusammenfassung des Fachinhalts wurde mit Hilfe von KI generiert.
Abstract
This chapter examines climate policy efforts across eight German states that joined the Under2 Coalition at different timepoints, analyzing founding member Baden-Württemberg, five early joiners (Bavaria, Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia, Schleswig-Holstein, and Thuringia), and two later joiners (Lower Saxony and Rhineland-Palatinate). Operating within Germany’s concurrent legislation principle that constrains subnational regulatory autonomy, these states demonstrate varied climate policy and leadership trajectories shaped by the federal energy transition (Energiewende), political configurations, and structural conditions. Baden-Württemberg emerges as the most consistent climate leader, exhibiting cognitive, exemplary, structural, and entrepreneurial leadership through early legislative action, a comprehensive set of policy instruments, and sustained ambition before and after co-founding the Under2 Coalition. Early joiners show mixed patterns: North Rhine-Westphalia initially demonstrated strong leadership before changes in government weakened ambition, while Schleswig-Holstein leveraged structural advantages and Bavaria remained a follower despite early membership. Later joiners present contrasting cases, with Rhineland-Palatinate exhibiting unexpected climate leadership and Lower Saxony remaining a follower despite renewable energy advantages. The analysis reveals that Under2 Coalition membership reinforced leadership where favorable state-level conditions existed—particularly Green Party government participation—while having limited impact on laggard states.
Introduction
The German states have played a significant part in reducing GHG emissions in Germany, although to varying extents. Some have been strong leaders, while others have been reluctant laggards (Eckersley et al., 2023). In principle, the German states are entitled to adopt their own climate legislation, although the so-called concurrent legislation principle limits their ability to introduce new regulations if concurrent regulations have already been adopted by the federal government (Eckersley et al., 2023). Consequently, most legislative decisions on German climate policy are made at the federal and EU levels (Jänicke & Wurzel, 2019). In particular, the federal Energy Transition (Energiewende) strategy to replace fossil and nuclear energy generation with renewable energies, introduced in 1998 and reinforced in 2011 after the Fukushima nuclear accident, has had a strong influence on the policy-based climate action of German states (Eckersley et al., 2023; Joas et al., 2016; Steuwer & Hertin, 2020; Von Hirschhausen, 2014).
Nonetheless, even the limited freedom of the German states to pass their own climate legislation provides them with the opportunity to assume leadership within the EU’s multilevel governance system (Irepoglu Carreras, 2019). For instance, the federal Climate Change Act allows German states to adopt their own climate change acts, or the federal Renewable Energy Heat Act allows the states to define their own regulations for older buildings. In these cases, the German states can be even more ambitious than the federal government (Eckersley et al., 2023). Moreover, the German states are responsible for implementing most federal climate policies, which gives them leeway in how effectively they put these into practice (Behnke, 2020; Eckersley et al., 2023).
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This chapter sheds light on subnational climate leadership, examining the extent to which Baden-Württemberg, as a founding signatory of U2C, has adopted more ambitious climate policies compared to the five states that joined early (Bavaria, Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia, Schleswig-Holstein, Thuringia) and the two states that joined later (Lower Saxony and Rhineland-Palatinate).
Founding Member
Baden-Württemberg
Baden-Württemberg has long been recognized as a leader in subnational climate policy in Germany. Even before co-founding U2C in 2015, the state had begun developing a unique climate policy framework that combined climate legislation, sectoral strategies, and innovative policy instruments.
Baden-Württemberg was governed by Christian Democratic Union (CDU) led governments for 58 consecutive years until 2011, when the first elections were held since the Fukushima incident. This event had triggered an intense debate on nuclear energy in Germany, particularly in Baden-Württemberg, which was strongly dependent on nuclear energy at the time. Traditionally a strong proponent of nuclear energy, the CDU lost out to the anti-nuclear Green Party (Beveridge & Kern, 2013). The subsequent change in government, with the election of a Green Party Minister President, further propelled the state’s climate ambition (Jahn & Korolczuk, 2012; Schneider, 2025; Wurster, 2017). The new coalition government of the Greens and the Social Democratic Party (SPD) promised to realign energy with climate protection and did not fail to deliver: it adopted one of Germany’s first climate protection laws with legally binding GHG emissions reduction targets in 2013, followed by a series of strategy papers and action plans with specific policy instruments (Jacob & Kannen, 2015). Baden-Württemberg, as one of the co-founding members of U2C, exemplifies how subnational states and regions can demonstrate climate leadership. The state government has dubbed itself the “California of Germany”, fostering technical innovation in climate mitigation and advancing climate policy while also consciously pursuing a climate leadership role within Germany as a whole (Walker, 2021).
Early Joiners
Bavaria
Similar to Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria was heavily dependent on nuclear electricity generation. Therefore, the state was under great pressure to transition to renewable energies in the 2010s, following the federal nuclear power phase-out. Consequently, Bavaria has made significant progress on solar energy; however, this progress can largely be traced back to federal policies rather than to climate policies adopted by the state government itself (Eckersley et al., 2023).
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Hesse
Before joining U2C in 2015, Hesse was already a leader in environmental policy. In 2008, it became one of the first German states to adopt a sustainability strategy involving climate change mitigation. Unlike Baden-Württemberg or Bavaria, Hesse did not rely on nuclear energy generation and therefore faced less political pressure to promote renewable energies. The absence of a large fossil fuel sector also made it easier for Hesse to advance ambitious climate action (Eckersley et al., 2021, 2023).
North Rhine-Westphalia
North Rhine-Westphalia was an unlikely climate leader given its heavy reliance on coal for electricity generation and its large industrial sector. In 2013, the state became the first in Germany to pass a climate protection law. Early success in reducing GHG emissions has been difficult to maintain (Eckersley et al., 2021).
Schleswig-Holstein
Schleswig-Holstein was an early leader in Germany’s transition to renewable energy sources. This is mainly due to its long coastlines on the North Sea and the Baltic Sea, as well as favorable conditions for wind power, which has been the state’s main priority for climate policy (Eckersley et al., 2021, 2023).
Thuringia
Thuringia is the only state in the Eastern part to have joined U2C and adopted a climate protection law with legally binding emissions reduction targets (in 2018). The state has been especially active in supporting renewable energy sources. Its ambition to transition to renewable energy has been bolstered by its historically low dependency on coal (Eckersley et al., 2021, 2023).
Later Joiners
Lower Saxony
Lower Saxony joined U2C in 2017. Similar to Schleswig-Holstein, the state has been a leader in transitioning to renewable energy sources thanks to its coastal location on the North Sea and favorable conditions for wind power (Monstadt & Scheiner, 2016). As early as 2015, over 40 percent of gross electricity generation in Lower Saxony came from renewable energy sources (Eckersley et al., 2023). However, the fossil fuel sector, especially oil, has played a more prominent role in Lower Saxony than in Schleswig-Holstein.
Rhineland-Palatinate
Rhineland-Palatinate is the second later-joining state in Germany. In 2017, it joined U2C under a state government of the CDU, SPD, and Greens, with a Green environmental minister in office. Much like Hesse and Thuringia, Rhineland-Palatinate did not rely on its own coal and nuclear energy plants. Instead, it depended on energy imports, which facilitated the promotion of renewable energies (Eckersley et al., 2021). Rhineland-Palatinate is unique in that it is composed of many small municipalities (fewer than 2000 inhabitants), which lack the resources necessary for effective climate action (Eckersley et al., 2023). For this reason, supporting municipalities has been a priority of the state’s climate policy.
Comparative Analysis
The following section compares climate action (policies, instruments, and targets adoption) of Baden-Württemberg with that of the states that joined early: Bavaria, Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia, Schleswig-Holstein, and Thuringia. Then it turns to the states that joined later: Rhineland-Palatinate and Lower Saxony.
Policies
Founding Member: Baden-Württemberg
Baden-Württemberg clearly stands out in terms of the number of climate policies adopted (see Fig. 5.1). The state government’s first policies date to 1994, when it adopted a climate protection concept. This initial concept primarily focused on raising awareness and providing advisory services (Jacob & Kannen, 2015). The state maintained its leadership by implementing the Climate Protection-Plus funding program in 2002, publishing an updated Climate Protection Concept in 2005, and adopting the Renewable Heat Act in 2008. The latter imposed a legal obligation on homeowners to use renewable heat sources in existing and newly built houses. This legislation surpassed federal regulations in both scope and ambition (Jacob & Kannen, 2015).
Alongside North Rhine-Westphalia, Baden-Württemberg was one of the first German states to adopt a Climate Protection Law in 2013, which imposed a legally binding obligation to significantly reduce GHG emissions in the short and long term. This law was supplemented by an Integrated Energy and Climate Protection Concept detailing strategies and measures for achieving the state’s climate goals (Jacob & Kannen, 2015).
Since then, Baden-Württemberg revised its 2008 Renewable Heat Act and adopted an updated Climate Protection and Climate Change Adaptation Act in 2023. The state government also implemented several climate policy instruments as part of various sector-specific strategies and concept papers. Examples include a Freight Transport Concept and a Charging Infrastructure Strategy in 2020, a Public Transport Strategy in 2022, a Waste Management Plan, and an updated Energy Concept in 2024. In short, Baden-Württemberg took a leading role early on, demonstrating consistent policy activity marked by early policy-based climate action, sector-specific climate plans, and instruments. These developments support our proposition that founding members of U2C adopt more ambitious climate policies (see Chap. 2).
Early Joiners: Bavaria, Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia, Schleswig-Holstein, and Thuringia
Similar to Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria’s climate policies date to 2000, when it adopted its first climate protection program. However, unlike Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria had less subsequent climate policy activity, and the activity that took place was strongly associated with federal requirements to transition from nuclear to renewable energies (Eckersley et al., 2023; Goers et al., 2020). A key policy for this transition was the 2011 Bavarian Energy Concept.
The state published several updates of its climate protection program in 2009, 2015, and 2019. The 2015 update marked the first time that Bavaria defined quantifiable GHG emissions reduction targets (Goers et al., 2020). The 2019 update, titled the Climate Protection Offensive, focused on energy and outlined detailed objectives and a comprehensive set of climate policy instruments (Eckersley et al., 2021). As an early joiner of U2C, however, Bavaria was late to enshrine GHG emissions reduction targets into law, adopting its Climate Protection Law only in 2020. Despite its relatively late adoption, the law is no more ambitious than the earlier climate protection acts adopted by other German states. In 2024, Bavaria issued a Heating Strategy and an updated Climate Protection Program.
In short, despite being an early joiner to the coalition and having a longer history of climate policies, Bavaria did not present itself as a strong climate leader before or after joining U2C.
Hesse similarly had several climate policies in place before joining U2C in 2015. These included a climate protection concept, adopted in 2007, and a Sustainability Strategy, published in 2008. The state government updated the Sustainability Strategy several times: in 2014, 2016, and 2020. A central piece of Hesse’s climate policy is the Hessian Energy Future Act, adopted in 2012. This act provides financial incentives to invest in energy efficiency and renewable energy sources. In fact, Hesse has been particularly active in supporting municipalities in their climate action efforts, introducing a major funding program in 2016 through the Hessian Municipal Energy Guideline (Eckersley et al., 2023). The state further adopted several strategies and action plans, including an Integrated Climate Protection Plan in 2017, a transportation mobility strategy, and, most recently, an updated climate plan in 2023. Like Bavaria, Hesse was slow to adopt a climate protection law with legally binding emissions reduction targets. The state did not adopt the Hessian Climate Act until 2023.
Overall, Hesse has promoted climate protection, both before and after joining U2C. The state has done so primarily by supporting municipalities. However, the state has not been as active in pursuing climate policies as Baden-Württemberg.
Despite its heavy reliance on coal for electricity generation and a large industrial sector, North Rhine-Westphalia was an early climate leader in Germany. In the early 2000s, the state adopted several climate plans, including the Climate Protection Concept in 2001, the Energy and Climate Protection Strategy in 2008, and the Climate Protection Start Program in 2011. The latter included substantial funding for energy-efficient building renovations (Eckersley et al., 2021). In 2013, North Rhine-Westphalia adopted the first comprehensive climate protection law in Germany, which included legally binding GHG emissions reduction targets and a comprehensive sustainability strategy (Eckersley et al., 2021, 2023). In 2021, the law was revised to include a carbon neutrality target, and in 2024, it was complemented by a State Heat Planning Act on energy efficiency.
North Rhine-Westphalia further developed several action plans, including a Climate Protection Plan in 2015, an Energy Supply Strategy in 2019, and Climate Protection Packages in 2023 and 2025. These plans include specific instruments, such as substantial funding programs to promote energy efficiency, renewable energy sources, investments in hydrogen infrastructure, and the transition to “green” industries. Despite these efforts, North Rhine-Westphalia has not become as strong a climate leader as Baden-Württemberg since joining U2C, in terms of both policy activity and expanding renewable energies and reducing GHG emissions. Scholars have attributed this to the change in government from a SPD-Green coalition to a center-right coalition of CDU and Free Democratic Party in 2017 (Eckersley et al., 2021, 2023).
In short, North Rhine-Westphalia was an early climate leader despite its comparatively less favorable conditions; however, since the founding of U2C, it has not kept up with Baden-Württemberg.
Before joining U2C, Schleswig-Holstein was already a climate leader among the German states. This is particularly true for the transition to renewable energies, in particular the expansion of wind power. The state government’s first climate policy dates to 1992, when it published an Energy Concept aimed at phasing out nuclear energy and expanding renewable energy sources, mainly wind and biomass. In 1995, the state government introduced a Mitigation and Climate Protection Program encompassing policy instruments to reduce GHG emissions from energy generation, buildings, transportation, agriculture, and forestry. Several plans and programs were implemented prior to joining U2C, including a Sustainability Strategy in 2004, a Climate Protection Action Program in 2008, an ambitious Integrated Energy and Climate Concept in 2011, which included the goal of transitioning completely to renewable energies by 2015, and a Strategy for Electromobility in 2014 (Eckersley et al., 2021).
After joining the coalition, Schleswig-Holstein adopted an Energy Transition and Climate Protection Law, enshrining short-, medium-, and long-term GHG emissions reduction targets into state law. Apart from providing a legal basis for expanding renewable energies, the law introduced standards to enhance energy efficiency in non-residential buildings (Eckersley et al., 2021). Subsequent state governments published plans and programs detailing how Schleswig-Holstein aims to achieve its emissions reduction targets. These include the Climate Protection Program 2030 (2019), the Strategy on Achieving the Climate Targets (2020), and the Implementation Agreement on Decarbonization of Electricity and Heat Generation (between the state and energy and water providers in Schleswig-Holstein).
Overall, Schleswig-Holstein has been a climate leader in Germany since the early 2000s. The state enshrined its climate aspirations in ambitious, comprehensive GHG emissions reduction targets and made significant progress, particularly in expanding renewable energy sources. Its climate leadership before and after joining U2C is evident through its continued high level of policy activity, even if it falls short of Baden-Württemberg’s.
Thuringia long lagged behind the other early-joining states in terms of climate ambition (Eckersley et al., 2021). Despite this, it developed climate mitigation plans early on, including the strategy paper Climate Protection in Thuringia (2000), which includes a medium-term GHG emissions reduction target; the Energy and Climate Strategy Thuringia 2015 (2009), which aimed to expand renewable energies and improve energy efficiency in buildings and transportation; and the Sustainability Strategy (2011). After joining U2C, Thuringia significantly advanced its climate ambitions by adopting a Climate Protection Law in 2018. Through this law, the state committed to ambitious medium- and long-term GHG emissions reduction targets and to regularly updating climate strategies. In 2019, Thuringia published the Integrated Energy and Climate Protection Strategy, which describes specific policy instruments aimed at reducing emissions from transport, agriculture, and land use (Eckersley et al., 2021). Thuringia was particularly active in 2024 when several state departments published individual sustainability plans. That same year, Thuringia adopted the Wind Energy Participation Act, which aims to increase acceptance of wind turbines at the local level by providing municipalities with opportunities to participate financially in wind power projects.
In short, Thuringia’s climate action has not matched that of other early-joining states. The 2018 climate protection law and its associated climate action plan significantly increased the state’s climate ambition. Despite this progress, Thuringia has been a climate follower rather than a leader.
Later Joiners: Lower Saxony and Rhineland-Palatinate
Despite its leadership in renewable energies, particularly wind power and bioenergy, Lower Saxony has lagged behind other German U2C signatories in terms of overall climate policy activity. Before joining the network in 2017, Lower Saxony adopted several climate plans, including the Climate Protection Action Plan in 2000, the Bioenergy Offensive Lower Saxony in 2002 (a campaign to educate the public about bioenergy technology), the Sustainability Strategy in 2008, and the Climate Policy Implementation Strategy in 2013. Lower Saxony did not adopt a Climate Protection Act until 2020, three years after joining U2C. The act, adopted by a CDU-SPD state government, commits Lower Saxony to significantly reducing its GHG emissions in the long term and promoting renewable energies. However, it neglects other sectors, such as agriculture and transportation. Consequently, the act was strongly criticized, especially by the Green Party and the German Association for the Environment and Nature Conservation, for not being ambitious enough (Eckersley et al., 2021). In later years, Lower Saxony published two more climate protection strategies, in 2022 and 2025. The most recent strategy, adopted by an SPD-Green coalition government, includes more ambitious targets and specific policy instruments to promote renewable energy and energy efficiency in buildings, as well as increased funding.
Overall, Lower Saxony has been a follower rather than a climate leader, despite its pioneering role in renewable energy and its recent increase in climate ambition. Although the state published climate strategies early on, policy activity remained comparatively low for a long time, neglecting major GHG emitting sectors other than electricity generation.
In contrast, the state of Rhineland-Palatinate demonstrated significant policy activity, even compared to the states that joined early on. The state was particularly active in developing several sustainability strategies that incorporated climate mitigation (in 2001, 2003, 2005, 2007, 2011, 2015, and 2019). Rhineland-Palatinate has been a leader among the other German states in this regard (Eckersley et al., 2021).
Rhineland-Palatinate was the third German state, after Baden-Württemberg and North Rhine-Westphalia, to adopt a comprehensive Climate Protection Act in 2014, which included legally binding GHG emissions reduction targets (Eckersley et al., 2021, 2023). Since then, the law was supplemented by several action plans and programs, including the 2015 Climate Protection Concept, which offered suggestions for specific policy measures; the 2017 Heating Concept; the updated 2020 Climate Protection Concept; and the 4+1 Strategy, which aims to achieve climate neutrality in state-owned properties by 2030. In 2021, Rhineland-Palatinate adopted the State Law on the Installation of Solar Systems, which includes a legal obligation for new commercial buildings and larger parking lots to have photovoltaic systems installed.
In 2025, the state government revised its Climate Protection Law to include carbon neutrality and interim GHG emissions reduction targets that are to be achieved by 2035. Compared to the initial legislation, the new Climate Protection Law is not just an ambitious framework policy but also a legally binding control instrument with specific targets, a monitoring system, sectoral commitments, economic incentives, and a strong focus on carbon sequestration through the Climate Forest Initiative.
Overall, Rhineland-Palatinate has been a climate leader among the German states, despite joining U2C later. The state’s climate policies became more ambitious, especially since the Green Party joined the coalition government in 2021 and took charge of the state ministry of climate protection, the environment, energy, and mobility.
Policy Instruments
Figure 5.2 illustrates noteworthy differences and similarities among German states in their selection of policy instruments to reduce GHG emissions.
Fig. 5.2
Policy instruments to reduce regional GHG emissions
Over time, Baden-Württemberg implemented a comprehensive mix of climate policy instruments. It is one of the few states that implemented a carbon tax in 2023 for new, state-owned buildings in the form of a carbon shadow price. Baden-Württemberg also provided financial incentives from the early 2000s, including subsidies for the energy-efficient renovation of buildings. In 2021, the state government introduced e-Solar vouchers to promote solar-powered mobility solutions and incentives for forest protection and peatland regeneration.
The state government defined several notable standards since 2007, mostly with the aim of enhancing energy efficiency in buildings and increasing renewable energy generation. Regarding the latter, in 2022 it introduced an obligation to install photovoltaic systems in new buildings. Baden-Württemberg also stands out for its extensive information and training services. It established the Climate Protection and Energy Agency Baden-Württemberg as early as 1994. Since then, the state added several other services to support municipalities and enhance the development and application of new transportation technologies. Recently, the state government pushed for voluntary agreements with businesses by initiating the Climate Alliance Baden-Württemberg in 2022. Through this alliance, businesses commit to specific climate protection measures and targets.
Early Joiners: Bavaria, Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia, Schleswig-Holstein, and Thuringia
Bavaria implemented relatively few specific policy instruments. Other than Baden-Württemberg, it did not adopted a carbon pricing scheme. Between 2015 and 2022, Bavaria offered financial incentives for energy-efficient home renovations but has since neglected to provide any similar statewide subsidies. The state implemented a funding program for job bike leasing in 2023, which is the only transportation subsidy. Notably, in 2022, Bavaria introduced an obligation for non-state actors to install photovoltaic systems on roofs. Voluntary agreements with businesses have played a prominent role in Bavaria for years. Established in 2004 with environmental groups, the Bavarian Climate Alliance encourages its members to engage in climate-friendly behavior. However, these agreements have not included specific measures or targets, as they have in Baden-Württemberg. Two institutions, the Bavarian Energy Agencies and LandSchafftEnergie, were established in 2013 to provide information on the energy transition.
Hesse also implemented a smaller set of specific policy instruments compared to Baden-Württemberg. The instruments it adopted, however, have broad implications. For example, Hesse introduced an obligation to install photovoltaic systems in large parking lots and state-owned buildings as part of the 2012 Hessian Energy Futures Act. The same legislation also provides financial incentives for improving energy efficiency in buildings and installing renewable energy technologies. The state has generously supported municipalities in Hesse for pursuing climate measures in several areas since 2016. Moreover, Hesse has actively supported the provision of information and training services, especially in the realms of energy efficiency and renewable energies, through an energy agency it established in 1991.
North Rhine-Westphalia implemented fewer and less varied concrete climate policy instruments than Baden-Württemberg. However, the state has a strong track record of providing financial incentives to municipalities, citizens, and businesses, dating to the late 1980s. One major funding program, initiated in 1987, provided financial support for over 50,000 renewable energy projects until 2006. This program continued in 2008 and still supports renewable energy projects today. Additionally, North Rhine-Westphalia has heavily subsidized energy-efficient building renovations since 2011. Another program, Low Emission Mobility, which began in 2018, covers up to 80% of municipalities’ expenses for EVs, bikes, and charging infrastructure (Eckersley et al., 2021). An obligation to install photovoltaic systems on parking lots and newly constructed buildings was introduced most recently in 2024. The state has also provided information and training services through an energy agency established in 1990 and a competence center for energy-efficient heating (Eckersley et al., 2021).
Schleswig-Holstein’s ambitious climate strategies have been translated into a comprehensive mix of specific policy measures; however, unlike Baden-Württemberg (and North Rhine-Westphalia), they were implemented much later. The state first introduced large-scale financial incentives in 2018 to support energy community projects. In 2020, the state began providing financial incentives for municipalities to undertake energy-efficient building renovations. Since 2017, the state also defined standards for the heating and energy efficiency of buildings. This came after its establishment from 2014 onward of various information services on energy efficiency, low-emission mobility, and climate-friendly agriculture.
Thuringia implemented a notable number of specific policy instruments despite not being as active in pursuing climate policies as most other early joiners of U2C in Germany. Thuringia established a set of funding programs to provide financial incentives for projects on energy efficiency, renewable energies, and transport comparatively early, in 2015. Additionally, the state defined standards for energy-efficient buildings in 2019 and for wind power in 2024. Like most other German U2C signatories, Thuringia has offered information and training services through a state-owned climate agency since 2011.
In sum, all the states that joined early implemented fewer or less comprehensive policy instruments than Baden-Württemberg. Furthermore, the extent to which these states implemented such measures varies. Within this group, North Rhine-Westphalia and Hesse led the way, followed by Schleswig-Holstein and Thuringia. In contrast, Bavaria clearly lagged behind.
Later Joiners: Lower Saxony and Rhineland-Palatinate
Lower Saxony developed a comprehensive mix of policy instruments, though these have only been implemented in recent years. They include a 2020 implemented subsidy program for battery storage to accelerate the adoption of photovoltaic installations. The state also invested in e-mobility, local transportation, and bike paths in the same period. The climate protection law adopted in 2020 and its associated program of measures further define several energy efficiency standards for buildings, including the obligation to install photovoltaic technologies in car parks and on newly constructed buildings, as well as the obligation to purchase emission-free rail vehicles for state use. Similar to Baden-Württemberg, Lower Saxony implemented a carbon shadow price for its state administration purchases. Since 2014, a climate protection and energy agency has provided information and training services.
Most of Rhineland-Palatinate’s specific climate instruments wereimplemented more recently, following the change in government in 2021. These instruments include a carbon shadow price on state-owned buildings and an obligation to install photovoltaic systems in parking lots and on new buildings. Earlier instruments include providing municipalities with financial support to enhance energy-efficient heating and increase the use of renewable energies (Eckersley et al., 2021).
To summarize, both later-joining states implemented fewer specific climate instruments than Baden-Württemberg and the states that joined early (except for Bavaria). They also implemented these instruments later in time.
Targets
All eight German states adopted GHG emissions reduction targets with medium- and long-term time frames. Some of them—Hesse, Lower Saxony, and Schleswig-Holstein—also defined short-term targets. See Fig. 5.3 for an overview.
Baden-Württemberg was the first state to legally define medium- and long-term GHG emissions reduction targets in its 2013 Climate Protection Act (Jacob & Kannen, 2015). This further indicates its role as the climate leader among the German states.
Most of the states that joined early, except for Thuringia, defined climate targets only after signing the U2C MoU. North Rhine-Westphalia, Hesse, Schleswig-Holstein, and Thuringia adopted medium-term targets earlier than Bavaria, which coincides with the differences in policy activity described previously. Rhineland-Palatinate adopted a target relatively early for a state that joined later, whereas Lower Saxony did not do so until 2020.
Unlike the other types of targets, differences in adopting long-term targets cannot be clearly attributed to the status of early- and later-joining U2C members. This may be because long-term targets are a weaker indicator of climate ambition as they do not immediately pressure policymakers into taking action (Gadani et al., 2020).
Leadership
Baden-Württemberg clearly stands out as the clearest and most consistent climate leader among the German states. Long before co-founding U2C, the state pioneered climate policy with early legislative action, most prominently a climate protection law in 2013 which was followed by sector-specific climate plans and policy instruments. Baden-Württemberg hereby exhibited cognitiveleadership, introducing policy innovations that shaped the subsequent policy-based climate action of other states to join U2C. In addition, the state’s early policy activity revealed exemplaryleadership, offering transferable solutions to other states. After co-founding U2C in 2015, Baden-Württemberg sustained momentum by revising legislation, updating climate strategies across different sectors, and developing an encompassing mix of policy instruments. Co-founding U2C itself exhibits a form of entrepreneurialleadership, as the state actively engaged in encouraging other subnational entities to interact and advance policy-based climate action. Finally, Baden-Württemberg’s comparative affluence enabled it to invest more heavily in climate protection, underscoring its role as a structuralclimate leader. The combination of technical developments, structural pressures from the nuclear phase-out, and sustained Green Party leadership without decisive political transitions clearly reinforced Baden-Württemberg’s role as a climate frontrunner.
Other early joiners of U2C show more varied patterns. North Rhine-Westphalia, historically dependent on coal and characterized by a large manufacturing sector, initially defied expectations by passing Germany’s first comprehensive climate protection law in 2013, which served as a model for many other German states. This demonstrated cognitive and exemplaryleadership, two years before it joined U2C. However, subsequent political shifts—most notably the 2017 replacement of a SPD-Green government with a center-right coalition—reduced the state’s ambition and highlighted how weakening factors, such as changes in government in combination with economic pressures, can disrupt leadership trajectories.
Schleswig-Holstein, benefiting from favorable wind conditions, showed consistent structuralleadership by leveraging geographical advantages to expand renewable energies. Albeit not to the same extent as Baden-Württemberg, Schleswig-Holstein continuously adopted climate policies before and after joining U2C, thereby exhibiting a form of exemplaryleadership. In contrast to Baden-Württemberg and North Rhine-Westphalia, it took Schleswig-Holstein longer to implement an encompassing mix of specific policy instruments, particularly with regards to other sources of GHG emissions than energy generation, which is characteristic of followership rather than leadership.
Hesse represents a more ambivalent case of leadership. The state took climate action early on, particularly by supporting municipalities in their ambition to enhance energy efficiency and expand renewable energies, which constitutes a type of exemplaryleadership. Nonetheless, Hesse lagged behind the other climate leaders in terms of overall policy activity and specific policy instruments.
Thuringia can be described as a case of delayed leadership. The state has caught up only recently with other German U2C signatories in respect of policy activity and the introduction of a comprehensive set of policy instruments, illustrating that it has been a follower rather than a leader. Nevertheless, given its weaker economic power, Thuringia exhibited exemplaryleadership among the Eastern German states.
Bavaria, despite having a longer history of climate policy and being an early joiner of U2C, lagged behind and largely followed other states. Its lack of leadership is evident from its comparatively low policy activity, its late codifying of binding GHG emissions reduction targets, and its enactment of very few specific policy instruments. A weakening factor to Bavaria’s climate leadership was the absence of a green party in government. Bavaria is unique among German states in being governed continuously by the conservative Christian Social Union, whether as a single party or leading coalition governments.
The two later joiners of U2C provide an equally mixed picture of climate leadership. Lower Saxony, despite being a pioneer in wind energy, did not translate this into comprehensive climate action. Policy activity remained comparatively low and the state’s climate law, adopted only in 2020, was criticized for insufficient ambition, suggesting that structural advantages alone are insufficient without strong political ambition. The 2017 change from an SPD-Green to an SPD-CDU government weakened the state’s climate leadership aspirations. Overall, in terms of climate policy, Lower Saxony is best described as a follower.
Rhineland-Palatinate, in contrast, was surprisingly active for a later-joining U2C signatory. Its 2014 Climate Protection Act positioned it alongside Baden-Württemberg and North Rhine-Westphalia as an early legislative leader, which is indicative of cognitive and exemplaryleadership. The change in government in 2021 to a coalition with the Green Party as a partner had a strengthening effect on Rhineland-Palatinate’s climate leadership in recent years.
Taken together, the empirical analysis of German states’ climate action confirms Chap. 2’s proposition that leadership is dynamic and shaped by both strengthening and weakening forces. Strengthening factors—such as the federal nuclear phase-out in combination with heavy reliance on nuclear energy, falling renewable energy costs, and Green Party participation in state governments—propelled leadership in several states. Weakening factors, including fossil fuel dependence, political transitions, and economic pressures, curtailed ambition in others, as seen in North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. U2C membership appears to have reinforced leadership where favorable domestic contexts already existed, but it was less decisive in encouraging laggard states to take stronger action.
Conclusion
This chapter has examined the diverse trajectories of climate leadership and followership among the German states that joined U2C. The findings reveal that German subnational climate action has been shaped by both structural conditions and political contexts, which is in line with existing literature (Eckersley et al., 2021, 2023). Baden-Württemberg, as a founding member, consistently demonstrated strong and multifaceted leadership, rooted in early policy action, sector-specific strategies, and comprehensive policy instruments. Its leadership trajectory underscores how U2C engagement reinforced, rather than initiated, its existent ambitions. Among early joiners, states such as North Rhine-Westphalia and Schleswig-Holstein also displayed elements of leadership, though their trajectories were constrained by reliance on coal or lower structural pressures for green transition. Bavaria and Thuringia, in contrast, exhibited weaker and more hesitant leadership. Later joiners provide a similarly mixed picture: Rhineland-Palatinate emerged as a proactive legislator, while Lower Saxony, despite structural advantages, remained a follower. Changes in government influenced climate trajectories in both states.
Taken together, the analysis suggests that U2C membership reinforced leadership where favorable domestic conditions already existed—such as political ambition, often signified by Green Party participation in government, or structural pressures from the nuclear phase-out—while having a weaker impact on laggard states. At the same time, the persistence or retreat of climate leadership has been highly sensitive to political transitions and economic pressures, exemplifying the contingent nature of subnational climate action.
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