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2022 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

11. GST and the Discrimination Against Production Oriented States

verfasst von : Sebastian Morris, Astha Agarwalla, Ajay Pandey, Sobhesh Agarwalla

Erschienen in: Macroeconomic Policy in India Since the Global Financial Crisis

Verlag: Springer Nature Singapore

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Abstract

Goods and Services Tax as introduced in India, being a destination oriented tax, does not encourage regions to promote manufacturing and tradable services industries. The country is at an early stage of its economic transition, and the states have a subnational character. It is important that the states engage in locational tournaments to attract investments by providing infrastructure services, governance, and other public services. We develop a new consumption-based approach that adjusts the detailed consumer expenditure figures of the National Sample Surveys at the state level to estimate the Revenue Neutral Rates at the state level. There are stark differences between the rates for the producing states and the consumption-oriented states amounting to as much as 20% of GDP. The divergence is higher than those arrived at by the Government before the introduction of GST. The proposed compensation scheme that protects revenue at 14% growth for 5 years would be unfair to the producing states once the 5 years are over. As GST impacts the locational choices of new investments, the lack of fiscal incentives for states to attract and nurture investments, unless corrected, would have deleterious effects. A significant share of the Centre’s collection of GST may have to be distributed based on manufacturing and tradable services production, if the country is not to lose the steam of high and growing investments to take it through its economic transformation. The institutional mechanism for GST, viz., the GST Council in its present form would make it difficult to quickly cut or raise tax rates including across the board changes that are necessary for macroeconomic management.

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Fußnoten
1
A hard growth rate of taxes at 14% was clearly unsound. A growth linked to the nominal GDP would have been more appropriate. It became an issue when growth and inflation slowed down to give a nominal GDP growth of just 10% during Modi-II. The central government was somehow able to keep its side of the agreement though with much delay. It look recourse to highly enhanced petroleum taxes. Not only did the wrangle with the states added to the uncertainty but core inflation would have got a pep up through the transmission of high petroleum prices in Modi II. That also would have made the RBI keep liquidity on a tight leash.
 
2
The division of the state of Andhra Pradesh (AP) was on the ground that Telangana was less developed than the rest of the state especially coastal Andhra, and hence state-hood for the region would help it focus on development. However, to the vexation of Andhra, Telangana after the division had the same income per capita as Andhra and the tax collections of Telangana proved very large given the location of Hyderabad the capital of erstwhile AP and a near metro city in Telangana.
 
3
This is so when input credit on depreciation is taken into account over a longer period of the life of the final good (machinery and capital goods) purchased by productive firms.
 
4
We do plan to bring out the reasons for the divergence between NSSO and NAS estimates of items in the near future.
 
5
For the figures over the years, state wise see Morris et al (2018), Table 9.
 
6
The base for checking efficiency as in Subramanian (2015) uses direct expenditure, but its potential to be used for RNRS and for RNR had not been given adequate attention.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
GST and the Discrimination Against Production Oriented States
verfasst von
Sebastian Morris
Astha Agarwalla
Ajay Pandey
Sobhesh Agarwalla
Copyright-Jahr
2022
Verlag
Springer Nature Singapore
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1276-4_11