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2018 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

1. Health Outcomes and Policy in India

verfasst von : Vani Kant Borooah

Erschienen in: Health and Well-Being in India

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

After reviewing health outcomes and policy in India, this chapter concludes that there are at least six sets of issues to be addressed with regard to improving the quantity and quality of health services, and ipso facto improving health outcomes, in India. First, the amount of resources earmarked for health needs to increase. Second, health resources need to be used in a fair and just manner, and in particular, complaints relating to egregious health outcomes need to be addressed. Predominant in this set of issues is oversight and regulation of private sector health provision. The third set of issues relates to the allocation of health resources and, in particular, to the imbalance in the allocation of health resources between towns and villages. A fourth issue is the accessibility of rural areas since it is the most remote areas that have the lowest density of health workers. Another issue is the more efficient use of health workers in order to make them more productive. Finally, Indian health policy is stronger on rhetoric and aspiration than it is on action and implementation. The successful implementation of policy requires the explicit recognition that objectives are often competing (primary versus tertiary care) and the acknowledgement that, with budgetary constraints, one cannot have more of one without having less of the other. The first role of policy is to then choose the optimal mix of objectives with respect to these trade-offs. Second, policies come up against vested interests which agitate (often with the support of opposition politicians) and litigate against proposed changes. Lastly, policies in India are made against a background of poor governance with the predatory presence of corruption looming over every policy initiative. In implementing, rather than simply articulating, policy, it is important to address these governance issues.

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Fußnoten
1
All figures are from Development Data Group, World Bank.
 
2
See footnote 1.
 
3
A particularly egregious case of excessive billing was the ₹16 lakhs (approximately, £14,000) charged by a private hospital to the Aadya family for a 15-day inpatient treatment of their 7-year-old daughter for dengue. The treatment was unsuccessful and the girl died. The family was, among other things, billed for 611 syringes, 1546 pairs of gloves and two different kinds of the same drug, meropenem: one costing ₹500 and the other costing ₹3100 (Ghosh 2017).
 
4
That is net of any government subsidy or third-party insurance.
 
5
And, indeed, mocks Article 47 of the Indian Constitution which directs that “The State shall regard the raising of the level of nutrition and the standard of living of its people and the improvement of public health as among its primary duties”.
 
6
Vectors are living organisms that can transmit infectious diseases between humans or from animals to humans. Many of these vectors are bloodsucking insects, which ingest disease-producing micro-organisms during a blood meal from an infected host (human or animal) and later inject it into a new host during their subsequent blood meal. Mosquitoes are the best-known disease vector. Others include ticks, flies, sandflies, fleas, triatomine bugs and some freshwater aquatic snails (WHO 2017).
 
7
Li et al. (2012), Table 1.
 
8
Selvaraj and Karan (2012), Table 4.
 
9
The 71st NSS also identified two other sources of finance: sale of assets; other. However, the combined contribution from these two sources to OOP expenses was less than 2% and they are, therefore, omitted from Tables 1.2 and 1.3.
 
10
For analytical purposes, the organised sector comprises the entire public sector and private sector enterprises employing more than 10 workers. On this basis, only 16% of India’s workforce is in the organised sector (Joshi 2016). The ESIS covers that part of the organised sector comprising private sector enterprises employing more than 10 workers.
 
11
For details of how the scheme works, see http://​www.​rsby.​gov.​in/​how_​works.​aspx. Accessed 31 December 2017.
 
12
The 15 states were Karnataka, Kerala, West Bengal, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura. The number of empanelled hospitals has fallen from 7865 in 2009–2010 to 4926 in 2016–2017 and the number of enrolled families has fallen from 41.3 million in 2015–2016 to 36.3 million in 2016–2017 (Phillip 2017).
 
13
Those who complain about this “short cut” to becoming a doctor protest too much: in urban areas and rural areas, respectively, just 58.4% and 18.8% of those claiming to be allopathic doctors had medical qualifications, yielding a national average of 42.7%. To put it differently, 57.3% of those claiming to be allopathic doctors in India did not have medical qualifications (Anand and Fan 2016; Bansal 2016).
 
14
See Sharma (2015) and Balsari et al. (2017) for detailed accounts of such conversion courses and training programs.
 
15
A shoulder operation, which would cost £10,000 in the UK if done privately or would involve a long wait if done on the NHS, would be done for £1800 within 10 days of contact. http://​news.​bbc.​co.​uk/​1/​hi/​health/​3879371.​stm. Accessed 4 January 2018.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Health Outcomes and Policy in India
verfasst von
Vani Kant Borooah
Copyright-Jahr
2018
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78328-4_1