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2024 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

How Populism Affects Constitutional Law

verfasst von : Akritas Kaidatzis, Iphigenia Kamtsidou, Costas Stratilatis

Erschienen in: The People’s Constitution

Verlag: Springer Nature Switzerland

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Abstract

In this introductory chapter, we first argue that populism is not a uniform phenomenon. At the core of populism lies a critique of contemporary liberal democracy and its constitutional orthodoxy, but different kinds of populism may come with widely different attitudes towards constitutionalism and constitutional law. While authoritarian populism poses indeed a threat to constitutional democracy, democratic populism might rejuvenate it. However, populists’ institutional reformism is not per se incompatible with constitutionalism. It depends on the specific direction of the reforms and of the way they are carried out. Next, we revue the literature that claims a strong connection between populism and authoritarianism. This is what the historical evidence for the common genealogy, at least in some cases, of fascism and populism indicates. However, populists challenge democracy, especially its liberal version, but they typically do not aim to destroy it, since populism remains always within the paradigm of electoral democracy. In extremis, authoritarian populism may even evolve into dictatorship. Yet, when this happens, it isn’t populist in any proper sense anymore but rather a ‘pseudo-populist dictatorship’. On the other hand, authoritarian populism is only a potential outcome, while there are other populisms that are not authoritarian. Lastly, we propose a connection between populism and representative democracy’s structural contradictions: the definition of sovereignty’s agent and the contemporary tug-of-war between the people and the nation; issues concerning the participation of the citizens in the exercise of political power; the methods of expression and representation of the electorate; and the contribution of fundamental rules. Hence, we place populism within the problematic of the democratic re-organization of power at a time when the field of politics is shrinking, and the laws of market and/or science tend to become the main regulator of social relations.

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Fußnoten
1
Cf. Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser (2017a, b), pp. 6, 19 and Panizza and Stavrakakis (2021), p. 24, on the ‘ideational’ and the ‘discursive’ approach to populism, respectively.
 
2
Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser (2013).
 
3
Tushnet (2018).
 
4
Bugarič (2019a).
 
5
Koch (2021).
 
6
Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser (2017a, b), pp. 21, 41, 99, 104.
 
7
Katsambekis (2020), p. 7.
 
8
Canilla (2022), para 12.
 
9
Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugarič take a similar approach, by identifying several ‘themes’ in different variants of populism, not all of which appear in every variant. Tushnet and Bugarič (2021), p. 2.
 
10
One of us has explored several themes that appear in this and the next section in Kaidatzis (2023).
 
11
Koch (2021), p. 406.
 
12
Mansbridge and Macedo (2019), p. 60.
 
13
Landau (2018), p. 543.
 
14
Lacey (2019), p. 85.
 
15
Tushnet and Bugarič (2021), p. 227.
 
16
Lacey (2019), p. 85.
 
17
Landau (2018), p. 523.
 
18
Tushnet and Bugarič (2021), p. 38.
 
19
Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser (2017a, b), p. 79; Bugarič (2019b), pp. 47–52.
 
20
Arato and Cohen (2022), p. 173.
 
21
Mudde (2013), pp. 4–6; Szente (2021), p. 11.
 
22
Blokker (2019a), pp. 535–536.
 
23
Blokker (2019b), p. 125.
 
24
Corso (2022), pp. 68–69.
 
25
Blokker (2021), pp. 299–300.
 
26
Sadurski (2019), ch. 1.
 
27
Kaidatzis (2022).
 
28
Tushnet and Bugarič (2021), ch. 12.
 
29
Lacey (2019), pp. 86–89.
 
30
Koch (2021), p. 401.
 
31
Landau (2020), pp. 306–307.
 
32
Fournier (2019), pp. 375–379.
 
33
Arato and Cohen (2022), pp. 14–17, 153–175.
 
34
Landau (2018).
 
35
Mudde (2021), pp. 231–232.
 
36
Mudde (2021), pp. 232–233; Scheppele (2019).
 
37
Blokker (2019b), p. 125.
 
38
The term is owed to Varol (2015).
 
39
See Germani (1978); Canovan (1981), pp. 136–171; Taggard (2000), pp. 20–21, 65, 78, 100–103, 114; Arditi (2005); Mouffe (2005); Reyes (2005); Müller (2016), pp. 4, 16–17, 49–60, 75; Finchelstein (2017); Eatwell (2017); Mudde (2017a, b); Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser (2017a, b), pp. 18, 34, 39, 63–64, 72, 86–93; Galston (2018); Weyland (2019); Levitsky and Loxton (2019); Resnick (2019); Bugarič (2019a); Sadurski (2019), pp. 12–29, 242–266; Norris and Inglehart (2019); Traverso (2019); Urbinati (2019), pp. 15, 79, 134–135; Rosanvallon (2021), pp. 8, 144–149; Tushnet and Bugarič (2021), pp. 81–124; Arato and Cohen (2022), pp. 20–22, 107–152.
 
40
Germani (1978).
 
41
Ibid., pp. 229–230.
 
42
Ibid., p. 9.
 
43
Ibid., p. 235.
 
44
Finchelstein (2017, 2019).
 
45
Finchelstein (2017), pp. xiii–xiv.
 
46
Finchelstein (2019), p. 315.
 
47
Finchelstein (2017), p. xviii.
 
48
Finchelstein (2019), p. 317.
 
49
Weyland (2019), p. 323.
 
50
Ibid.
 
51
Ibid., pp. 321–323.
 
52
Norris and Inglehart (2019).
 
53
For a synopsis of the argument see Norris and Inglehart (2019), pp. 15–18, 441–451.
 
54
Norris and Inglehart (2019), p. 22.
 
55
Arato and Cohen (2022).
 
56
Ibid., p. 107.
 
57
Ibid., pp. 20, 107–108.
 
58
Ibid., p. 124.
 
59
Ibid., p. 125.
 
60
Ibid., p. 127.
 
61
Ibid., p. 129.
 
62
Ibid., p. 130.
 
63
Ibid., pp. 107–108.
 
64
Ibid., p. 108.
 
65
Ibid.
 
66
Ibid., p. 21.
 
67
Urbinati (2019), p. 194.
 
68
Ibid.
 
69
Ibid.
 
70
Müller (2016), pp. 6 ff.
 
71
For this reason, moreover, there is a talk of populisms, see Boutin et al. (2019), Rosanvallon (2020), pp. 56 ff.
 
72
For the conceptualization of populism as an enemy of representative democracy or as a powerful antidote to its weakening, see Bugarič (2019c), pp. 390 ff.; Tarragoni (2019), ch. 2.
 
73
Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe are the most prominent representatives of the idea that populism is the radical reading of the precepts of constitutional democracy. In their work they reverse the prevailing approach to populism and attempt to show that the reference to the people provides the necessary foundation for the expansion of the protection of rights and equality. Their interesting proposal, however, suffers because of the fluidity they attribute to the signifier ‘people’: the subject of sovereignty can be determined by the evolution of political conflicts and struggles and thus refer to different socio-political realities (Tarragoni 2019, pp. 95–100), and/or favor an essentialist understanding of the people, which undermines their democratic role (Abts and Rummens 2007).
 
74
Both in the presidential system, where the direct election of the President of the Republic makes him the representative of the people, and in parliamentarism, where the Prime Minister determines the functioning of the parliamentary majority and assumes responsibility for government policy towards the electorate, the real head of the executive power must be in constant communication with the people and ‘translate’ its will at the governmental level.
 
75
Kramer (2004).
 
76
See Manin (1995) and Yannakopoulos (2019).
 
77
See Corso (2014).
 
78
Cf. Castoriadis (1999), pp. 151–152.
 
79
Supiot (2010).
 
80
Denquin (2010).
 
81
Tsatsos (1999).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
How Populism Affects Constitutional Law
verfasst von
Akritas Kaidatzis
Iphigenia Kamtsidou
Costas Stratilatis
Copyright-Jahr
2024
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-71889-2_1

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