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Über dieses Buch

Leaving aside human and social capital for a future volume, the book should be viewed as a crucial first step in developing indicators for total wealth in the countries covered by the case studies, which include Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Mozambique and South Africa. These case studies experiment with implementing the SEAA in sub-Saharan nations known to suffer from the ‘resource curse’: their wealth in resources and commodities has allowed inflows of liquidity, yet this cash has not funded crucial developments in infrastructure or education. What’s more, resource-driven economies are highly vulnerable to commodity price mutability. The new measures of wealth deployed here offer more hope for the future in these countries than they themselves would once have allowed for.

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Frontmatter

Natural Capital, Total Wealth and Sustainable Development in Namibia

Abstract
A country’s income and economic well-being depend on its wealth, where wealth is defined in the broadest sense to include produced, natural, human and social capital. Recognising this, international agencies have begun to shift their emphasis from economic development as Gross National Product (GNP) growth to economic development as a process of ‘portfolio management’ that seeks to optimise the management of each asset and the distribution of wealth among different kinds of assets. In resource-rich economies such as Namibia, building national wealth requires that natural capital be transformed into other forms of capital. However, there has been growing concern that economic growth, especially in resource-rich developing countries, has been achieved by liquidation of natural capital without adequate provision for replacement of these assets for future generations. Several studies have attempted to measure total national wealth or changes in wealth but have been seriously hampered by a lack of data, especially for natural and human capital. Using newly available accounts for natural capital in Namibia, total national wealth accounts are constructed and used to assess its development paths, comparing it to its neighbour, Botswana, for which total wealth are also available, albeit not for as long a time series. In Namibia’s pre-independence period (before 1990), there was significant liquidation of capital, natural and produced. With new policies and a new investment environment since independence, Namibia has slowly started to rebuild its national wealth although per capita wealth has not recovered to the level of 1980.
Glenn-Marie Lange

Wildlife Accounts: A Multi-sectoral Analysis in Namibia

Abstract
The completion of a national wildlife inventory in 2004 enabled the development of a set of wildlife accounts for Namibia, comprising both physical and monetary asset accounts, as well as production or flow accounts. Some 2.04 million larger wild animals made up the physical wildlife asset base which produced gross output of some N$1.5 billion and directly contributed N$ 700 million to the gross national product (GNP). Non-consumptive wildlife-viewing tourism generated 62% of the total wildlife sector GNP contribution. Hunting tourism and live game production generated 19 and 10%, respectively. The wildlife use sector represented 2.1% of national GNP in 2004. Its contribution will likely triple in the next 30 years as the sector reaches potential. Namibia’s standing wildlife assets in 2004 were estimated to have a value of N$10.5 billion, a value comparable with those estimated for fish and minerals. Findings suggest that development in the sector should emphasise both non-consumptive and consumptive tourism. Property rights should be secured, through the concessions policy and the community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) programme. Investments in building appropriate stocks of wildlife in both communal and private land should be facilitated.
J. I. Barnes, O. Nhuleipo, A. C. Baker, P. I. Muteyauli, V. Shigwedha

Accounting for Mineral Resources in Tanzania: Data Challenges and Implications for Resource Management Policy

Abstract
There is a new line of thinking in development and growth theory demonstrating that sustainable development requires non-declining per capita wealth (Hamilton K, Clemmens M. World Bank Econ Rev 13(2):336–356, 1999; Lange G-M. Environ Res Econ 29:257–283, 2004; Lange G-M. Introducing environmental sustainability into the Uganda system of national accounts. Draft Final Report, ENR Sector Working Group, 2005; World Bank. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The World Bank, Washington, DC, 2006). In this conceptualization, wealth is defined in a very broad sense to include produced, natural and human (including social) capital. The challenge posed by this approach to growth and development is for economies to manage their asset portfolios so as to realize the objectives of sustainability (non-declining per capita wealth). This requires economies to have the ability to monitor total per capita wealth and analyse changes in this indicator (e.g. see Lange G-M. Environ Res Econ 29:257–283, 2004). It is well known that the current System of National Accounts (SNA) does not adequately represent natural (and human) capital stocks, and the consequences of this omission (neglect) have been well documented (e.g. see Hamilton K, Clemmens M. World Bank Econ Rev 13(2):336–356, 1999; Lange G-M. Environ Res Econ 29:257–283, 2004; Lange G-M. Introducing environmental sustainability into the Uganda system of national accounts. Draft Final Report, ENR Sector Working Group, 2005; World Bank. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The World Bank, Washington, DC, 2006). However, there presently exists a standardized framework (and methodologies) for constructing environmental accounts, called the System of Integrated Environmental and Economic Accounts, or SEEA (United Nations, Commission of the European Communities, International Monetary Fund, Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, and World Bank (2003) Handbook for integrated environmental and economic accounting. United Nations, New York), which extends the asset boundary of the SNA to include all natural resources, recording asset values, depletion and improvements in the stock of natural capital (Lange G-M. Environ Res Econ 29:257–283, 2004). The results from implementing the SEEA could potentially be used to better represent natural assets in the SNA.
Eric Mungatana

Fisheries Resource Accounts for the Maputo Coastal Districts of Mozambique

Abstract
The main purpose of compiling national income accounts is to provide a comprehensive overview of the nation’s economy and to facilitate decision-making by policymakers. The most important indicator in national economic accounts is the gross domestic product (GDP). However, GDP ignores the interactions between economic activity and the environment (including natural resources), although these interactions have become increasingly evident. In Mozambique, as a result of population growth, persistent rural poverty and a fast pace of growth and development in the private sector, the degradation of a number of environmental and natural resources has reached such proportions that the economic growth capabilities are already being compromised. However, the economic effects of these trends are not reflected in the traditional GDP based upon which most economic policy decisions are made.
Eric Mungatana, Hermínio Lima A. Tembe, Cora Ziegler-Bohr

Forest Resource Accounts for Ethiopia

Abstract
Ethiopia is a natural resource dependent country that needs an assessment of its natural resources for the sustainable use of the country’s resources as well as to facilitate the formulation of effective and integrated environmental and economic policies. Gross domestic product (GDP) growth has for long been the key indicator for macroeconomic policy-making. However, national income accounts suffer from the major limitation that they focus mainly on goods and services that are bought and sold in markets and ignore nonmarketed services such as those provided by natural assets. As a result, there is inconsistent treatment of man-made capital and natural capital. Capital goods like machinery, tools and equipment are valued as productive capital and are written off against the value of production as they depreciate. However, no account is made for the depletion or degradation of natural resources: they are viewed as a ‘free gift of nature’. In addition, no account is made for growth in natural capital (e.g. through tree planting and natural regeneration). On the other hand, in the present system of national account (SNA), changes in man-made capital (i.e. investment) are recorded and form part of the GDP/GNP. The failure to capture properly the accumulation and depletion of ­natural resources in the SNA leads to generation of incorrect measures of economic performance and wellbeing such as the rate of savings and capital formation.
Sisay Nune, Menale Kassie, Eric Mungatana

Contribution of Uganda’s Forestry Sub-sector to the National Economy: Natural Resource Accounting Approach

Abstract
Forests and forest products have a high monetary and nonmonetary value in Uganda. Over 90% of total energy resources used in the country is derived from fuelwood. Forests offer provisioning ecosystem services which include wood products, non-timber forest products such as honey, medicinal plants and raw materials for small industry, amongst others. Forests also provide regulatory ecosystem services such as soil protection, maintenance of the hydrological cycle and sequestration of greenhouse gases.
Moses Masiga, Eugene Muramira, Ronald Kaggwa

Accounting for the Value of Ecosystem Assets and Their Services

Abstract
Almost all decisions made by agents (individuals, households, companies, associations, governments, etc.) are preceded by some comparisons of the expected gains from making the decision versus the costs of making the same decision. These comparisons may be completely informal, involving only some rough thoughts on the consequences of the decision or may use an elaborate decision theoretical model (Raiffa H. Decision analysis. Introductory lectures on choices under uncertainty. Random House, New York, 1968). Most decisions made by a household do not need any elaborate theoretical analysis. They are mainly made on the basis of experience. But when a household is going to make a major investment, buying a house, for example, they will try to make a rational choice, given the information they have accessible. Based on this information, they will make a valuation of the consequences, in order to see which side will dominate – buying the house now or wait for another opportunity. In this example, the household will probably consult experts that can translate the consequences of buying the house for the household into something concrete, such as the net income of the household. In this case the household is doing a valuation. Similarly, when a society is going to make a decision on say the construction of a new highway, the society should know how this new highway affects the citizens (e.g. higher taxes, shorter transport time, more air pollution and deforestation where the highway is going to be built) before making a decision. In the end, all these factors and many, many more have to be compared in some way or another so that a decision can be made.
Karl-Göran Mäler, Sara Aniyar, Åsa Jansson

Valuing Regulating and Supporting Ecosystem Services of the Subtropical Estuaries of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa

Abstract
Supporting ecosystem services constitute essential intermediate inputs in the production of final ecosystem goods and services. Typical examples include primary production, nutrient cycling and photosynthesis. Another set of services known as “regulating services” control and normalise ecosystem functioning and thus insure the benefits supplied by ecosystems (MEA 2005; Perrings C. Int J Ecol Econ Stat 6:8–22 (2002); Barbier et al. 2009; Simonit and Perrings. Ecol Econ 70(2011):1189–1199 (2011)). In spite of their crucial role as the basis of all other provisions of nature, the literature on valuing such regulating and supporting services is sparse, leaving an important gap in our knowledge of sustainable management of ecosystems for human well-being. Efforts to improve our scientific understanding of the complex nature of the involved dynamics of socioecological interactions that characterise the role and value of these services are therefore necessary for prudent ecosystem management.
Jackie Crafford, Rashid Hassan
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