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2020 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

1. Introduction

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Abstract

Scholars have used the concept of fiscal–military state to study the importance of finance in the development of the states in Europe between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. The term was first used in the late 1980s by John Brewer in a study on eighteenth-century Britain. It has since been employed widely, notably in a comparative context. The term was apposite to describe the evolution of states and their fiscal systems to meet the demands of larger armies and more expensive equipment. A central question was the effectiveness with which economic resources could be mobilised. For Brewer, to cover the increasing costs of warfare, a fiscal–military state had to be able to raise funds through both credit and taxation. Further, a good administrative structure was necessary to support its fiscal and military activities. This became particularly relevant in the eighteenth century when the costs of warfare in Europe increased significantly. Recently, the relevance of a fiscal–military state has also been examined for the Habsburg monarchy in the eighteenth century.

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Fußnoten
1
John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1688–1783 (London, 1989).
 
2
Richard Bonney (ed.), The Rise of the Fiscal State in Europe, c.1200–1815 (Oxford, 1999); Jan Glete, War and the State in Early Modern Europe: Spain, the Dutch Republic and Sweden as Fiscal Military States, 1500–1660 (London, 2002); Christopher Storrs (ed.), The Fiscal-Military State in Eighteenth-Century Europe: Essays in Honour of P.G.M. Dickson (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009); Rafael Torres Sanchez, Constructing a Fiscal-Military State in Eighteenth-Century Spain (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015); Aaron Graham and Patrick Walsh (eds.), The British Fiscal Military States, 1660–c.1783 (London, 2016). This collection of articles extends Brewer’s analysis by studying the importance of interested parties for the operation of the fiscal-military states.
 
3
Brewer, Sinews of Power, p. xvii.
 
4
William D. Godsey, Petr Mat’a and Thomas Winkelbauer (eds.), The Habsburg Monarchy as a Fiscal-Military State c.1648–1815 (Proceedings of the British Academy/Oxford University Press, forthcoming). For conceptual issues in relation to the term ‘fiscal–military state’, see Hamish M. Scott, ‘The Habsburg “Fiscal Military State” in International Perspective’, in ibid. I am very grateful to Hamish Scott for having sent me a typescript of his paper. On the role of the Lower Austrian Estates in the Austrian fiscal-military state, see William D. Godsey, The Sinews of Habsburg Power: Lower Austria in a Fiscal-Military State, 1650–1820 (Oxford, 2018); on the fiscal–military state in the European context, see Hamish Scott, ‘The Fiscal Military State and International Rivalry During the Long Eighteenth Century’, in Christopher Storrs (ed.), The Fiscal Military State in Eighteenth Century Europe, pp. 23–53.
 
5
See Michael Hochedlinger, Austria’s Wars of Emergence. War, State and Society in the Habsburg Monarchy 1683–1797 (London: Pearson, 2003).
 
6
Ibid., pp. 31–8.
 
7
Gustav Otruba, ‘Staatshaushalt und Staatsschuld unter Maria Theresia und Joseph II.’ in Richard Georg Plaschka and Grete Klingenstein (eds.), Österreich im Europa der Aufklärung (2 vols, Vienna, 1985), vol. 1, pp. 200–1.
 
8
Josef Kallbrunner (ed.), Kaiserin Maria Theresias politisches Testament (Vienna, 1952), pp. 29, 76. The two memorials are not dated. Kallbrunner gave 1750 and 1755/1756: ibid., p. 23. The memorials are also printed in Maria Theresia. Briefe und Aktenstücke in Auswahl, ed. Friedrich Walter (Darmstadt, 1968), pp. 63–97, 108–30.
 
9
On the significant influence and the strains of the Seven Years War on belligerents in Europe, see Hamish M. Scott, ‘The Seven Years War and Europe’s Ancien Régime’, War in History, 18:4 (2011), pp. 419–55.
 
10
Eduard Gaston von Pettenegg (ed.), Ludwig und Karl Grafen und Herren von Zinzendorf. Ihre Selbstbiographien nebst einer kurzen Geschichte des Hauses Zinzendorf (Vienna, 1879).
 
11
For Karl’s authorship, see ibid., footnote, p. 8.
 
12
Adolf Beer, ‘Die Finanzverwaltung Österreichs 1749–1816’, MIÖG 15 (1894), pp. 237–366; Adolf Beer, ‘Die Staatsschulden und die Ordnung des Staatshaushaltes unter Maria Theresia’, AÖG 82 (1895), pp. 1–135.
 
13
Beer, ‘Die Staatsschulden’, p. 33.
 
14
Karl Freiherrn von Hock and Ignaz Bidermann, Der österreichische Staatsrath (1760–1848). Eine geschichtliche Studie (Vienna, 1879; reprint, 1972).
 
15
Johann Schasching, Staatsbildung und Finanzentwicklung. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des österreichischen Staatskredites in der 2. Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts (Innsbruck, 1954).
 
16
Ibid., p. 86.
 
17
P.G.M. Dickson, Finance and Government under Maria Theresia 1740–1780 (2 vols, Oxford, 1987).
 
18
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 82–113.
 
19
Franz A.J. Szabo, Kaunitz and enlightened absolutism 1753–1780 (Cambridge, 1994). The book is the first of two volumes. The second, as yet unpublished, is intended to take the study up to 1790.
 
20
Franz A.J. Szabo, The Seven Years War in Europe, 1756–1763 (Harlow and New York: Pearson/Longman, 2008).
 
21
Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger, Maria Theresia: Die Kaiserin in Ihrer Zeit. Eine Biographie (Munich: C.H. Beck, 2017).
 
22
Harm Klueting, Die Lehre von der Macht der Staaten: Das aussenpolitische Machtproblem in der ‘politischen Wissenschaft’ und in der praktischen Politik im 18. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1986) and Grete Klingenstein’s review can be found in English Historical Review, 103:406 (1988), pp. 134–38. For a discussion of Montesquieu’s influence on J.H.G. von Justi, see Ulrich Adam, The Political Economy of J.H.G. Justi (Berne, 2006) and Ulrich Adam ‘Justi and the Post-Montesquieu French debate on Commercial Nobility in 1756’ in Jürgen Georg Backhaus (ed.), The Beginnings of Political Economy: Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi (New York: Springer, 2009), pp. 75–99.
 
23
Grete Klingenstein, ‘Between Mercantilism and Physiocracy. Stages, Modes and Functions of Economic Theory in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1748–63’ in Charles W. Ingrao (ed.), State and Society in Early Modern Austria (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 1994), pp. 181–214.
 
24
Christine Lebeau, ‘Ludwig et Karl von Zinzendorf, administrateurs des finances. Aristocratie et pouvoir dans la Monarchie des Habsbourg, 1748–1791’ (PhD dissertation, 2 vols, Université de Paris IV—Sorbonne, 1991); Christine Lebeau, Aristocrates et grands commis à la Cour de Vienne (1748–1791). Le modèle français (Paris, 1996).
 
25
Lebeau, Aristocrates, pp. 163–92.
 
26
P.G.M Dickson, ‘Count Karl von Zinzendorf on Joseph II’s New Taxation’, English Historical Review, 133:561 (2018), pp. 323–50; P.G.M Dickson, ‘Count Karl von Zinzendorf’s “New Accountancy”: The Structure of Austrian Government Finance in Peace and War, 1781–1791’, International History Review, 19 (2007), pp. 22–56.
 
27
Maria Breunlich and Marieluise Mader (eds.), Karl Graf von Zinzendorf, Aus den Jugendtagebüchern 1747, 1752–1763. Nach Vorarbeiten von Hans Wagner, Veröffentlichung der Kommission für Neuere Geschichte Österreichs 84 (Vienna, 1997); Elisabeth Reiner, ‘Karl von Zinzendorf und das Eisenwesen in Innerösterreich. Ein Beitrag zur mariatheresianischen Wirtschaftspolitik’, Mitteilungen des österreichischen Staatsarchivs, 13 (1960), pp. 258–330; Adam Wandruszka, ‘Pietro Leopoldo e le sue riforme in Toscana (dal diario edito del conte Carlo Zinzendorf)’, Archivio storico italiano, 117 (1960), pp. 286–87; Georges Englebert (ed.) ‘Deux voyages du Comte Charles de Zinzendorf, 1769–1770’, Bulletin de la Société des Bibliophiles Liegois, 22 (1976), pp. 125–27; J.K.C.H. Comte de Zinzendorf. Journal. Chronique belgo-bruxelloise 1766–1770, ed. Georges Englebert (Brussels, 1991); Grete Klingenstein, ‘Spanien im Horizont der österreichischen Aufklärung. Zinzendorfs Kommerzialreise nach Spanien im Jahre 1767’ in Herwig Ebner, Horst Haselsteiner and Ingeborg Wiesflecker-Friedhuber (eds.), Geschichtsforschung in Graz. Festschrift zum 125-Jahr-Jubiläum des Instituts für Geschichte der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz (Graz, 1990), pp. 115–26; Elisabeth Fattinger, ‘Gestaltung und Gewinn eines Auftragsreise: Karl Graf Zinzendorf in Großbritannien (1768)’ in Joachim Rees, Winfried Siebers and Hilmar Tilgner (eds.), Europareisen politisch-sozialer Eliten im 18. Jahrhundert. Theoretische Neuorientierung-kommunikative Praxis- Kultur- und Wissenschaftstransfer (Berlin, 2002), pp. 112–29; Robert Rill, ‘Die Reise des Grafen Karl von Zinzendorf und Pottendorf über die britischen Inseln im Jahre 1768 an Hand seiner Tagebuchaufzeichnungen-Kommentare und Auswahledition’ (unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Vienna, 1983).
 
28
Grete Klingenstein, Eva Faber and Antonio Trampus (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung zwischen Wien und Triest: die Tagebücher des Gouverneurs Karl Graf von Zinzendorf, 1776–1782, Veröffentlichung der Kommission für Neuere Geschichte Österreichs 103 (4 vols, Vienna, 2009).
 
29
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 22–61. For the bibliography, see ibid., pp. 219–300.
 
30
For a review of the historiography on commercial humanism with an emphasis on France, see Arnault Skornicki, ‘La France des Lumières et l’humanisme commercial. Bilan et perspectives historiographiques’, Histoire, Économie et Société, 32:4 (2013), pp. 75–89.
 
31
Istvan Hont, Jealousy of Trade. International Competition and the Nation-State in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, MA, 2005).
 
32
Béla Kapossy, Isaac Nakhimovsky, Sophus A. Reinert and Richard Whatmore (eds.), Markets, Morals, Politics: Jealousy of Trade and the History of Political Thought (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 2018); Béla Kapossy, Isaac Nakhimovsky and Richard Whatmore (eds.), Commerce and Peace in the Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2017).
 
33
John Robertson, The Case for the Enlightenment: Scotland and Naples, 1680–1760 (Cambridge, 2005).
 
34
Michael Sonenscher, Before the Deluge: Public Debt, Inequality and the Intellectual Origins of the French Revolution (Oxford, 2007).
 
35
John Shovlin, The Political Economy of Virtue: Luxury, Patriotism, and the Origins of the French Revolution (Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell University Press, 2006).
 
36
Henry C. Clark, Compass of Society: Commerce and Absolutism in Old-Regime France (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield/Lexington Books, 2007).
 
37
Paul Cheney, Revolutionary Commerce: Globalization and the French Monarchy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).
 
38
Olaf Asbach (ed.), Der moderne Staat und ‘le doux commerce’: Politik, Ökonomie und internationale Beziehungen im politischen Denken der Aufklärung (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2014).
 
39
Carl Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit: The English Financial Revolution, 1620–1720 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011); Martin Khull-Kholwald, Der Adel auf dem Lande und sein Kredit. Der Schuldschein als zentrales Finanzinstrument in der Steiermark (1515–1635), Forschungen zur geschichtlichen Landeskunde der Steiermark, Band 57 (Vienna and Berlin: LIT, 2013).
 
40
See Hont, Jealousy of Trade, pp. 115–23.
 
41
Ibid., p. 118.
 
42
Ibid., p. 120.
 
43
Sophus A. Reinert, Translating Empire: Emulation and the Origins of Political Economy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011).
 
44
See most recently the contributions on Forbonnais and physiocracy: Loїc Charles and Arnaud Orain, ‘François Véron de Forbonnais and the invention of Antiphysiocracy’ in Steven L. Kaplan and Sophus A. Reinert (eds.), The Economic Turn. Recasting Political Economy in Enlightenment Europe (London and New York: Anthem Press, 2019), pp. 139–68; Antonella Alimento, ‘Between Mercantilism and Physiocracy: Forbonnais’ “Est Modus in Rebus” Vision’ in ibid., pp. 169–92; the articles on ‘Translation, Reception and Enlightened Reform: The Case of Forbonnais in Eighteenth-Century Political Economy’, History of European Ideas, 40:8 (2014); Antonella Alimento, ‘La Concurrence comme Politique Moderne. La Contribution de L’école de Gournay à la naissance d’une sphère publique dans la France des années 1750–1760’ in Jesús Astigarraga and Javier Usoz (eds.), L’économie politique et la sphère publique dans le débat des Lumières (Madrid: Collection de la Casa de Velázquez, 2013), pp. 213–27. For the most rigorous account on Gournay’s circle and its activities, see Loïc Charles, Frédéric Lefebvre and Christine Théré (eds.), Le Cercle de Vincent Gournay. Savoirs économiques et pratiques administratives en France au milieu du XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Institut National D’Études Démographiques, 2011); Arnault Skornicki, L’économiste, la cour et la patrie. L’économie politique dans la France des Lumières (Paris, 2011), pp. 75–112; John Shovlin, ‘Rethinking Enlightened Reform in a French Context’ in Gabriel Paquette (ed.), Enlightened Reform in Southern Europe and its Atlantic Colonies c.1750–1830 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 47–62; Antonella Alimento, ‘Entre animosité nationale et rivalité d’émulation: la position der Véron de Forbonnais face à la compétition anglaise’ in Manuela Albertone (ed.), Governare il mondo. L’economia come linguaggio della politica nell’Europa del Settecento (Milan: Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, 2009), pp. 125–48; Simone Meyssonnier (ed.), Traités sur le commerce de Josiah Child suivis des Remarques de Jacques Vincent de Gournay (Paris, 2008); Clark, Compass of Society, pp. 129–44; John Shovlin, ‘Emulation in Eighteenth-Century French Economic Thought’, Eighteenth Century Studies, 36 (2003), pp. 224–30; Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l’Horloge: La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1989).
 
45
Keith Tribe, Governing Economy. The Reformation of German Economic Discourse 1750–1840 (Cambridge, 1988), p. 6.
 
46
Albion W. Small, The Cameralists: The Pioneers of German Social Polity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1909).
 
47
Tribe, Governing Economy.
 
48
Keith Tribe, ‘Cameralism and the sciences of the state’ in Mark Goldie and Robert Wokler (eds.), The Cambridge History of Eighteenth-Century Political Thought (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 525–46, at p. 525. For a summary of the practical versus academic cameralism, see Andre Wakefield, The Disordered Police State. German Cameralism as Science and Practice (Chicago, 2009), pp. 3–5.
 
49
Marten Seppel, ‘Introduction. Cameralism in practice’ in Marten Seppel and Keith Tribe (eds.), Cameralism in Practice: State Administration and Economy in Early Modern Europe (Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer, 2017), pp. 1–16, especially pp. 3, 12.
 
50
Alexandre Mendes Cunha, ‘Administrative Centralisation, Police Regulations and Mining Sciences as Channels for the Dissemination of Cameralist Ideas in the Iberian World’ in Marten Seppel and Keith Tribe (eds.), Cameralism in Practice: State Administration and Economy in Early Modern Europe (Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer, 2017), pp. 155–78.
 
51
Klingenstein, ‘Between Mercantilism and Physiocracy’, pp. 203–4; Tribe, Governing Economy, p. 57.
 
52
Adam, Justi, p. 34.
 
53
Cunha, ‘Administrative Centralisation’, pp. 164–65.
 
54
Ibid., pp. 167–71. Becher (1635–1682) was from the Rhineland. His main work was Politischer Diskurs von den eigentlichen Ursachen des Auf- und Abnehmens der Städte, Länder und Republicken (Frankfurt, 1688). For Justi, see Chap. 6.
 
55
For the two levels of economic discourse in the mid-eighteenth-century monarchy, see also Klingenstein, ‘Between Mercantilism and Physiocracy’.
 
56
Nachlaß refers to Karl Zinzendorf’s collection of papers.
 
57
Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, pp. 34–6. For lists of missing volumes and the content of the Nachlaß in the Austrian State Archives, see footnotes 87, 89, 92 and 93 in ibid. For the general deficiencies in archival sources for the eighteenth-century monarchy, see Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, pp. 11–12.
 
58
I am very grateful to Grete Klingenstein for having brought the archive to my attention.
 
59
For the Zinzendorf family history, and in particular for biographical details on Karl, see Breunlich and Mader (eds.) Karl Graf von Zinzendorf, pp. 3–44 and Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, pp. 13–19. For a detailed chronology on Karl Zinzendorf, see Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, pp. 301–9; Lebeau, Aristocrates, pp. 21–9.
 
60
Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, pp. 47–51; Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, p. 15.
 
61
Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 51.
 
62
Ibid., pp. 51–4.
 
63
Ibid., p. 60.
 
64
See Chap. 6, particularly the section ‘The Institutions for Commercial Affairs’.
 
65
Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 61.
 
66
Ibid., pp. 62–5. On Zinzendorf’s memoir on the Russian court in St Petersburg, ‘Mémoire sur la Russie, sur L’impératrice Elisabeth, sa cour et son gouvernement’, Staatenabteilung, Russland II, Karton 209, HHStA, see Lothar Schilling, Kaunitz und das Renversement des alliances. Studien zur außenpolitischen Konzeption Wenzel Antons von Kaunitz (Berlin, 1994), pp. 118–19. On the goals for Zinzendorf’s mission to Stockholm and Copenhagen, see Kaunitz’s memorandum to Zinzendorf, undated, pp. 516–21, vol. 3, 1752–1755, in Rudolf Graf Khevenhüller-Metsch and Hans Schlitter (eds.), Aus der Zeit Maria Theresias. Tagebuch des Fürsten Johann Josef Khevenhüller-Metsch, Kaiserlichen Obersthofmeisters, 1742–1746 (8 vols, Vienna, 1910).
 
67
Letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Wenzel Kaunitz, 21 October 1756, in Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 70.
 
68
Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 72.
 
69
Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 2, p. 135.
 
70
Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 83.
 
71
Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 2, p. 136.
 
72
Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 112. Zinzendorf’s presidency of the bank would have started on 1 January 1768: Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 2, p. 66. On Maria Theresa’s change of mind, see ibid., p. 68. On Zinzendorf’s ideas for the political bank, see Chap. 5.
 
73
Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 89.
 
74
Ludwig Zinzendorf, ‘Sur l’utilité de la Chambre des Comptes et la nécessité de la conserver’, October 1771, fol. 611r and fol. 614r, vol. 4, Nachlaß Zinzendorf, HHStA.
 
75
Letter from Joseph II to Maria Theresa, 27 November 1771 in Maria Theresia und Joseph II. Ihre Correspondenz sammt Briefen Josephs an seinen Bruder Leopold, ed. Alfred Ritter von Arneth (3 vols, Vienna, 1887), vol. 1, pp. 352–56 at p. 356; Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, p. 250.
 
76
Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, pp. 140–41.
 
77
Ibid., pp. 151–62.
 
78
Letter from Maria Theresa to Erzherzog Ferdinand, 5 October 1780 in Briefe der Kaiserin Maria Theresia an Ihre Kinder und Freunde, ed. Alfred Ritter von Arneth (4 vols, Vienna, 1881), vol. 3, pp. 297–98.
 
79
Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 98.
 
80
Ibid., pp. 101–2.
 
81
Dickson, ‘Count Karl von Zinzendorf’s “New Accountancy”’, p. 26.
 
82
Derek Beales, Joseph II. Vol. 2: Against the World, 1780–1790 (Cambridge, 2009), p. 7.
 
83
Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, p. 14.
 
84
Letter from Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 19 April 1768, vol. 65, DOZA; Christine Lebeau, ‘Die Tagebücher des Grafen Karl von Zinzendorf’ in Josef Pauser, Martin Scheutz and Thomas Winkelbauer (eds.), Quellenkunde der Habsburgermonarchie (16.–18. Jahrhundert): Ein exemplarisches Handbuch (MIÖG, Ergänzungsband, Vienna, 2004), pp. 796–800, at p. 797.
 
85
See Christine Lebeau, ‘La conversion de Karl von Zinzendorf: Affaire d’état ou affaire de famille?’ in Revue de synthèse, 114 (1993), pp. 473–95.
 
86
Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, pp. 16–17. In 1776, having not had any male offspring, Ludwig seemingly regretted this advice. Within two years of his death, Ludwig wrote in his will, he wanted Karl to leave the Order and marry. If these conditions were met, Karl could assume some of Ludwig’s inheritance: Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 151.
 
87
Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, p. 18.
 
88
On Binder, see Chap. 6, particularly the section ‘The Circle Around Zinzendorf’.
 
89
Grete Klingenstein, ‘Kommerz und Aussenpolitik. Habsburgische Kommerzialreisen im Vorfeld der diplomatischen Revolution, 1756’ in Othmar Pickl (ed.), Wirtschaftsbeziehungen zwischen den österreichischen Niederlanden und den österreichischen Erblanden im 18. Jahrhundert (Graz, 1991), pp. 55–70.
 
90
Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, p. 17.
 
91
Ibid., pp. 107–58.
 
92
Ibid., p. 217.
 
93
On Karl’s work at the audit office, see Dickson, ‘Count Karl von Zinzendorf’s “New Accountancy”’.
 
94
Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, p. 18.
 
Metadaten
Titel
Introduction
verfasst von
Simon Adler
Copyright-Jahr
2020
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-31007-3_1