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Laws as blades: A conceptual framework of legislative design

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  • 11.11.2025
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Abstract

Dieser Artikel vertieft sich in die Feinheiten der Gesetzesgestaltung und präsentiert ein neuartiges Rahmenwerk, das Gesetze auf Grundlage ihrer Vielseitigkeit und Präzision kategorisiert. Das Rahmenwerk identifiziert vier ideale Arten von Gesetzgebung: Schweizer Armeemesser, Skalpelle, Macheten und Sensen, die jeweils unterschiedliche Kombinationen von Breite und Spezifität repräsentieren. Der Artikel untersucht, wie diese Designentscheidungen die politische Umsetzung, das bürokratische Verhalten und die Einhaltung der Bürgerrechte beeinflussen. Es zeigt den Nutzen des Rahmens, indem es ihn auf die Umwelt- und Finanzpolitik in der Europäischen Union anwendet, und zeigt, wie Gesetze in ihrer Gestaltung variieren und welche Auswirkungen diese Variationen haben. Die Analyse beleuchtet die politische Natur der Gesetzgebung und ihre Auswirkungen auf die politischen Ergebnisse und bietet Einblicke in die Gestaltung von Gesetzen, um komplexen Governance-Herausforderungen zu begegnen. Der Artikel schließt mit der Diskussion des Potenzials dieses Rahmenwerks, die interdisziplinäre Forschung voranzutreiben und die politische Entscheidungsfindung in demokratischen Systemen zu beeinflussen.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at https://doi.org/10.1007/s11077-025-09593-6.

Publisher’s note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Introduction

Legislation is all around us. When people apply for parental allowances, when they smoke a cigarette in public spaces, or when they buy meat in a grocery store—people are invariably bound by the power of the law. Legislation is therefore the primary vehicle through which governments translate preferences into rules, yet not all laws are designed in the same way. Beyond the question of how much policy output governments produce (Adam et al., 2019) lies the question of how laws are crafted; whether they are broad and multifunctional or narrowly focused and precise. We address this gap by answering the research question of how we can conceptualize and compare the policy substance contained in democratic legislation in a way that allows the tracking and comparison of policy substance across policy domains, institutional settings, and time. To this end, we deliver a new typology of legislative design and demonstrate its value by applying it qualitatively to a small sample of environmental and financial policies in the European Union (EU).
This is an important endeavor for several reasons. First, legislative design shapes policy implementation, influencing bureaucratic behavior, citizen compliance, and governments’ capacity to adapt to complex challenges (see, e.g., Fernández-i-Marín et al., 2021; Howlett & Mukherjee, 2020). Consequently, understanding how democracies design legislation carries considerable normative and analytical relevance.
Second, while research has examined determinants of legislative productivity (e.g., Bergman et al., 2024), comparatively little attention has been paid to the architecture of laws themselves (see Fernández-i-Marín et al., 2021 for an important exception). Analyses of legislation are often narrowly focused in their temporal, geographical, or substantive context and, therefore commonly use conceptual approaches tailored to specific research questions. For example, scholars of social policy often focus on matters of generosity and (re-)distribution (e.g., Scruggs & Ramalho Tafoya, 2022), scholars of environmental policy often study the design of regulatory instrument mixes (e.g., Steinebach, 2022), and scholars of tax policy largely focus on the existence of loopholes, derogations, and complexity (e.g., Hoppe et al., 2023). Similarly, most theories of the policy process conceive of the policy subsystem as the core venue in which legislation is formulated, negotiated, and evaluated. Though this focus on the subsystem level has led to major breakthroughs in how we understand and explain policy design and change (Baumgartner & Jones, 2009), the lack of cross-fertilization across these ‘subsystemic silos’ implies a failure to understand broader dynamics that govern the design of democratic legislation more generally.
Third, design choices have important implications for how legislation evolves. For example, the structure, clarity, and flexibility of a law might help determine its long-term trajectory. Laws with precise definitions and clearly delineated responsibilities may be more resistant to frequent amendments or judicial reinterpretation, providing stability and predictability in governance. Broad but imprecise laws may be produced by policymaking processes engaging multiple stakeholders who want more breadth, carving out greater discretion for bureaucratic groups; we might also expect that these laws are particularly resistant to change. Alternatively, imprecise laws may allow greater adaptability in response to changing circumstances, while also being more vulnerable to contested implementation, legal challenges, and political disputes. Systematically investigating legislative design using our framework can therefore help explain why some legislation endures and other laws are revised or overturned. In doing so, we position legislative design as a consequence of institutional arrangements, legal settings, and political pressures.
Addressing these challenges requires a conceptual approach that identifies the design of democratic legislation at a more abstract level than in the extant literature. We therefore conceptualize legislative design along two core dimensions: versatility, the breadth of subjects, objects, and instruments a law encompasses; and precision, the degree to which its provisions contain dilution, derogation, and delegation. These dimensions capture trade-offs in lawmaking; whereas versatile laws promote integration and coordination across policy issues at the risk of complexity, precise laws provide clarity and predictability at the cost of flexibility. We illustrate this typology using a metaphor of blades as ideal types of legislative design. Blades differ in shape, size, and sharpness—qualities that determine both their versatility in performing general or specialized tasks, and their precision in making delicate or crude cuts. Like blades designed for different cutting tasks, laws vary from versatile and precise Swiss army knives, precise but hardly versatile scalpels, versatile but imprecise machetes, to low-versatility and imprecise scythes. Our framework therefore offers a broadly applicable vocabulary to analyze the scope and specificity of legislation; allowing researchers to compare legislative design from individual legal provisions, to the entire law, to the broader policy domain, up to the political system. This paper therefore contributes to the development of a general theory of legislative design by offering a tool that bridges (sub-)disciplinary boundaries.

Towards an integrated perspective on legislative design

Legislative design reflects both the substance and the form of the law (Piris, 2005). Such design is often operationalized along a continuum of “quality”; the degree of certainty in the law’s text, and conformity with principles of good legislation (see e.g., Osnabrügge & Vannoni, 2025). Legislative design is an important step in the drafting procedure, “structuring the legislative text in a manner that facilitates understanding, and consequently invites implementation” (Xanthaki, 2013, p. 59), and is therefore understood as a political process in which the structuring of text not only determines how laws are interpreted by courts, administrators, and stakeholders, but also affecting compliance and implementation.
In political science, legislative design reflects the incentives of actors engaged in the legislative process. Studies consider, for example, conditions under which legislators delegate design authority to the bureaucracy given personal incentives (Epstein & O’Halloran, 1999), or the institutional setting within which they operate (Huber & Shipan, 2011). Here, legislative design is a core element of the policymaking process that reflects the institutional rules and power dynamics (e.g., between branches, between or within political parties). A parallel debate in public administration scholarship views legislative design as a determinant of policy success. Ambiguity can create space for bureaucratic expertise and adaptation (Fernández-i-Marín et al., 2021) but can also produce uncertainty or inconsistent application (Adam et al., 2021). Design choices therefore influence the actions of street-level bureaucrats, courts, and target populations.
Beyond institutional incentives, legislative design is an intentional activity that connects instruments to policy goals under conditions of complexity (Howlett, 2014). Design choices shape the internal coherence of laws and determine whether they enable or constrain the adaptability of governance in dynamic policy environments (del Rio & Howlett, 2013). Yet, scholarly attention to the topic of policy design has been declining since the mid-1980s, prompting calls for renewal (Howlett & Lejano, 2013) given the fundamental issues which remain unknown (Capano & Howlett, 2020).1
Accordingly, different branches of scholarship share an interest in the topic of legislative design but remain oddly disconnected. Policy scholars broadly view legislation as a vehicle for the communication of policy goals, instruments, and targets (e.g., Fernández-i-Marín et al., 2021; Howlett, 2023), that might collectively be thought of as relating to a law’s versatility; the diversity of objects, subjects, and instruments. In contrast, legal scholars are often more interested in matters of legislative drafting (Hart, 2016), ambiguity and vagueness (e.g., Endicott, 2011), or the origins and consequences of legal complexity (e.g., Ruhl & Katz, 2015), elements that might relate to a law’s precision; the clarity and accuracy with which the text is written. Accordingly, though both disciplines analyze legislation as their primary data source, they view this legislation through distinct conceptual lenses. Using the strengths of both perspectives, we develop a comprehensive conceptual approach to systematically measure, and compare legislative designs across laws, policy domains, political systems, and time.2
We start from the premise that legislative design is a latent characteristic of a law’s text that takes diverse shapes and forms, depending on their versatility and precision. Unlike other aspects of a law—like complexity, origin, or procedural background—versatility and precision directly capture the actual policy substance contained in the legislation. By focusing on these dimensions, we do not suggest that other aspects of a law are unimportant for its long-term survival or effectiveness. Rather, we argue that those aspects are not directly related to its policy substance. Additionally, though versatility and precision are implicitly identified in much of the previous literature as the relevant dimensions of a law’s design, they have never been analyzed explicitly and jointly under a common conceptual umbrella. Analytically, these dimensions are abstract enough to describe the substance of any law regardless of its precise policy domain, the institutional context in which it was formulated, and the time period in which it was crafted. They are also concrete enough to enable systematic measurement and comparison. Conceptualizing legislative design along these dimensions enables analysis of how designs vary across policy domains, how they distinguish themselves across political systems, and how they evolve over time.

Measuring versatility and precision in legislation

In line with the above literature, we argue that versatility and precision are each constructed of three indicators. Versatility is determined through the diversity of the objects, subjects, and instruments contained in a law. Precision results from the dilution of the law’s language, the amount and specificity of the derogations, and the extent to which the law relies on delegation. Since this article introduces the conceptual approach and the ideal types of our typology, we do not make any assumptions about the relative weight of the six indicators. Without prior knowledge about the empirical distribution of the indicators in the full universe of laws, it appears reasonable to assume that they carry the same relevance. Figure 1 summarizes the six indicators and their directional associations with our overarching concepts of versatility and precision.
Fig. 1
Summary & Direction of Indicators
Bild vergrößern

Versatility

Reflecting Lasswell’s classic definition of politics as a struggle over who gets what, when, and how (Lasswell, 1936), versatility can relate to three different aspects: (a) the diversity of policy objects (what is addressed?), (b) the diversity of policy subjects (who is addressed?), and (c) the diversity of policy instruments (how is it addressed?). Accordingly, it is important to emphasize that our focus on versatility implies that we are not primarily interested in general, structural measures like the length or the breadth of a law (Hurka et al., 2022), but in the diversity of a law’s policy substance.

Objects

We start by evaluating the what of policy; the specific issues discussed in a law. In public policy research, objects are the content targeted by the policy (Fernández-i-Marín et al., 2021). An environmental law might target renewable energy or the regulation of specific chemical products whereas a social policy law might focus on long-term care services or pension benefits.
The scope of policy objects can vary significantly. Whereas some laws are very specific and only address a narrow set of closely defined issues, others cover a multitude of objects simultaneously. Compare a law that regulates access to abortion (e.g. the UK Abortion Act of 1967) with a law to tackle the climate crisis (e.g., the UK Climate Change Act of 2008). Though the regulation of abortion can be a contentious political issue, it is typically discussed in a narrow fashion; Westlaw UK3 only lists four different topics for the UK Abortion Act. In contrast, the UK Climate Change Act is tagged with seventeen topics.
To identify objects, analyses can follow pre-established classification schemes such as policy issue taxonomies or governmental sector categories (Fernández-i-Marín et al., 2021). We therefore consider variation in the what of policy by measuring the diversity of objects. At the sentence level, we identify the direct recipient, target, or focus of the subject’s action as a means to identify what is affected, regulated, or inspected. Objects are also typically stated in the first article outlining the law’s scope and purpose.

Subjects

The who of policy is about the actors subject to the law (Howlett, 2023). In public policy research, these are the subjects targeted by a law (Fernández-i-Marín et al., 2021). We therefore consider versatility in terms of the diversity of subjects that a policy contains. Any group, organization, institution, or individual who is implicated by the law is considered as a subject (e.g., states, implementing bodies).
Subject diversity is linked to the governance architecture. Laws that address multiple subjects often need to reconcile conflicting interests, potentially increasing the complexity of negotiations during the legislative process and creating complex accountability structures during implementation. For example, multi-sectoral environmental directives often involve central governments, regional authorities, private firms, and civil society actors (Jordan et al., 2013). Institutional diversity can incentivize collaborative implementation and distributed enforcement but risks coordination failures and conflicting interpretations if roles and responsibilities are not clearly defined. Conversely, laws targeting a narrow subject group (e.g., a single regulatory agency or industry segment) typically streamline implementation and monitoring but may lack flexibility when problems cut across domains.
Subject diversity need not align with object diversity; a narrow agricultural law can be exclusively directed at farmers while assigning distinct roles to diverse institutional subjects in the private (e.g., NGOs, farmers associations, or corporations) and public sector (e.g., ministries, state administrations, or governmental agencies). Having diverse subjects can help reconcile distinct preferences about the locus of authority (e.g., state versus market, individual versus collective) and balance competing demands over the structural design of a law.4 This diversity increases the law’s versatility.
To measure subjects, researchers identify or interpret the intended recipients of policy clauses, often appearing at the beginning of a law or embedded in specific clauses throughout the text. Operationally, we identify at the sentence level the grammatical and institutional actor responsible for performing the action, to identify the locus of obligation or discretion. Information on subjects is found throughout the text whenever provisions target actors.

Instruments

Variation in the how of policy is expressed through the diversity of policy instruments (Fernández-i-Marín et al., 2021). Policy instruments are the ‘tools of government’ (Hood & Margetts, 2007), defined as the actions states take to achieve policy objectives. Instruments are distinct from both objects and subjects. Even if a law is strictly focused on a narrow set of policy objects and involves only a limited set of subjects, it can still contain varying degrees of instrument diversity. For example, laws can contain taxes along with subsidies and can specify both rights and obligations. The variety of instruments is therefore the third component of a law’s versatility.
One challenge of measuring instruments is variation across domains, reflecting underlying differences in objects, stakeholders, and contexts. Environmental policies frequently employ regulatory instruments—such as emissions standards or prohibitions on harmful substances—alongside market-based instruments like taxes or subsidies to incentivize desired behaviors. In contrast, social welfare policy tends to rely on distributive mechanisms including direct financial transfers and public service provision.
Given this domain-level variation, it appears necessary to institute a common typology that puts instruments into broader categories. Categories enable cross-domain comparison and help identify whether types of instruments transfer across policy sectors. For example, regulatory instruments—once typically associated with environmental policy—appear increasingly common in welfare policy (Trein, 2020), such as in the regulation of private service providers.
To operationalize instruments, we extend Steinebach’s (2022) classification of environmental policy instruments across domains, grouping these instruments into five broader categories as outlined in Table 1.5 (1) Regulatory Instruments, mandating or prohibiting behavior; (2) Market-Based Instruments, such as incentives, cost allocations, or sanctions; (3) Planning and Investment Instruments, including strategic government planning; (4) Information and Soft Instruments, providing information and nudges; and (5) Other Instruments. Accordingly, we identify the diversity of instruments within the legislative text, categorizing each instrument used.
Table 1
Policy instruments
Category
Instrument
Description
Regulatory instruments
Obligatory standard / rule
A legally enforceable standard or rule, e.g. measurement unit, transparency rules
Prohibition / ban
A total or partial prohibition on certain activities, products, or transactions
Technological / procedural prescription
A measure prescribing the use of a technology, process, or infrastructure
Market-based instruments
Tax / levy
A tax or levy for, e.g., a polluting product/activity or a financial transaction
Subsidy / tax reduction
A measure granting a financial advantage to a certain product or to incentivize specific financial behavior
Liability scheme
A measure that allocates the costs of harm or misconduct to responsible actors
Sanctions
A measure that sanctions harm or misconduct
Planning and investment instruments
Planning instrument
A measure used to set priorities and strategies for sectors, activities, or periods that need particular protection or attention
Public investment
A specific public investment
Information and soft instruments
Data collection / monitoring programmes
A specific programme for collecting
data
Voluntary measures
Voluntary agreements or commitments between the state and private actors or by private actors alone
Information-based instrument
Transparency or disclosure requirement, e.g. on environmental externalities of a certain product or credit ratings
Other instruments
 
Any instrument that cannot be assigned to the other categories (e.g., hybrids, experimental tools)
Note: Table adapted from Steinebach (2022). Adaptations are the addition of the categories and the broadening of application beyond the environmental domain

Precision

Alongside the question of how versatile a law is in terms of the policy substance it contains, legislative design is also structured by the precision of the associated legal provisions. Such precision can vary in three ways. Policymakers can: (1) construct the legislative text using clear or vague language (dilution), (2) render provisions generally applicable or define scope conditions (derogation), and, (3) determine the degree to which further details of the law can be defined by third actors, such as the bureaucracy (delegation).

Dilution

Dilution, defined as the use of vague legal concepts and indeterminate legal scripture, leaves room for interpretation when legislative agreement is hard to achieve. For any vague term, there is also a precise term, a condition present in well-known definitions (e.g., Asgeirsson, 2020). By using indeterminate legal scripture, policy makers effectively delegate interpretation to implementers (Lipsky, 1980) and, ultimately, to the courts (Williams, 2018). Though vagueness carries a negative connotation in everyday language, from a legal perspective, vagueness is not inherently problematic (Endicott, 2011). Thus, we should avoid attaching normative benefits to precise legal texts. Rather, dilution should be assessed in relation to its potential functions and interaction with other dimensions of legal precision and policy instruments. Vagueness can be employed strategically and deliberately by policymakers to pass legislation.
Dilution indicates whether a provision is softened, weakened, or made discretionary. Measurement approaches should therefore consider the normative implications of dilution, where, though ambiguity might serve pragmatic legislative goals in politically contentious situations, excessive dilution risks undermining policy coherence and enforceability. Operationally, measuring dilution involves identifying and categorizing the presence and extent of imprecise terms, phrases, and concepts that afford varying interpretations during implementation. Such vague legal concepts can relate to matters of quantity (e.g., ‘some’, ‘several’, ‘many’), time (e.g., ‘from time to time’, ‘occasionally’), degree (e.g., ‘considerable’, ‘relevant’, ‘substantial’) and category (e.g., ‘such cases’, ‘such measures’) (Li, 2019).

Derogation

Derogation(s) are defined as opt-outs or exclusions from being subject to the provisions of a law (Müller & Slominski, 2013). Opt-outs might be defined under specific circumstances, to particular groups or communities (Mariani, 2020), certain industrial sectors (Ekins & Speck, 1999), or according to particular standards. Derogations may also be territorial in nature, e.g., allowing federal sub-units to opt-out (Schimmelfennig & Winzen, 2020).
Derogations can increase the precision of a law if they define exact, objective conditions under which a given legal rule applies; e.g., providing an exception from legal rules for regions, products, or sectors. Yet, derogations can also increase ambiguity if the formulation provides room for interpretation. Such derogations are used to water down contentious legislation and achieve agreement (Vannoni, 2022). Accordingly, though exemptions to the applicability of a given legal rule are central to legislative design, the way that derogations affect legislative design depends on their formulation.
Following the logic of linguistic patterns, derogation can be measured using rule-based approaches (Vannoni et al., 2021). Restrictive derogations (e.g., “shall not apply for a period of five years”) make legislation more precise. In contrast, permissive derogations (e.g., “states may, in exceptional cases”) make laws less precise. These types of derogations must therefore be identified separately. Restrictive derogations are defined by modal verbs such as ‘shall’, ‘must’, or ‘will’. Permissive derogations are instead identified through the use of permissive modals, such as ‘may’ or ‘can’, alongside derogation verbs such as ‘not apply to’ or ‘allow exemptions’. In the case of strict modals with a derogation verb followed by a clear rule, the derogation makes a law more precise, whereas a permissive modal plus a derogation verb makes a law less precise. In both cases, the derogation can be followed by further specification, such as specific deadlines for temporary exemptions (“for a period of … [certain date]”), or scope conditions (“less than … [certain values] [measurement unit]”).
Delegation allows policymakers to give administrative agencies, executive branches, or other implementers rule-making authority (Vannoni et al., 2021). Leaving contentious issues unresolved and transferring responsibility for conflict resolution to the bureaucracy may facilitate legislative agreement and help the passage of a law. Yet, the uncertainty introduced by outsourcing may prompt legislators to specify policy details more precisely within the legislative text. In both scenarios, the more authority is delegated, the higher the uncertainty over how the law will be implemented in practice, as per Lipsky’s (1980) foundational insight that street-level bureaucrats exercise considerable discretion when laws delegate substantial responsibility. Such discretion is often necessary for effective public service delivery, but can lead to unequal implementation (Adam et al., 2021).

Delegation

Measuring delegation involves identifying and assessing the extent to which laws explicitly grant powers or assign responsibilities for detailed policy implementation or enforcement to these non-legislative actors. Measurement approaches foreground the language of constraint and authority in legislative text (Vannoni et al., 2021); for instance, delegation verbs (e.g., ‘require’, ‘ought to’, ‘oblige’) combined with different modal verbs (e.g., ‘shall’, ‘may’). These studies show that delegations are also formulated positively (e.g., ‘actor X shall enforce regulations’). In the supplementary material we discuss the approach by Vannoni et al. (2021) as an example of rule-based identification.
Accordingly, we conceive of delegation as appearing in different forms. Authority can be delegated with strict modal verbs and clearly defined responsibilities. We consider these delegations as contributing to a comparatively precise law. Alternatively, authority can be delegated with permissive modal verbs and vague or unspecified procedures, giving implementers discretion in implementation. We consider these delegations as contributing to a comparatively imprecise law (see Fig. 1).

Four ideal types of legislative design: laws as blades

To distill ideal types of legislative design from the previous discussion, we use the metaphor of legislative design choices as analogous to different types of blades. Laws and blades are both tools designed to achieve a defined purpose that can be categorized according to their versatility and precision. Blades vary in shape, size, and sharpness; characteristics that determine whether they perform specialized or general tasks, and whether those cutting tasks are delicate or crude. Legislation likewise differs in breadth and specificity. Some laws are adaptable and multifunctional, whereas others are narrowly targeted. As a toolmaker selects the right blade for the job, policymakers design legislation to fit the policy challenge.
Table 2
Four ideal types of legislative design
  
Precision
  
High
Low
Versatility
High
Swiss Army Knife
Machete
Low
Scalpel
Scythe
In combination, versatility and precision provide a two-dimensional space with four ideal types of legislative design (Table 2). Swiss army knife designs are versatile and precise. These laws have a variety of objects, subjects, and instruments, and their provisions are clear and unambiguous. Normatively, these laws seem particularly desirable, given their breadth and clarity. Yet, these properties may also make them particularly hard to agree upon. Scalpel designs are defined by narrow scope and high precision. Laws with these designs are not versatile, targeting a limited set of objects, subjects, and instruments, while their provisions are clearly articulated, leaving little room for interpretation. These designs are hence narrowly intentioned and specific, offering control and clarity but less adaptable to diverse problems.
Large, versatile blades like a machete can cut through many different types of obstacles, but lack the precision for intricate work. In the realm of legislation, machete designs therefore have a broad scope, but are imprecise. These laws connect diverse objects, address a broad variety of subjects, and employ various policy instruments. Yet, these laws are formulated with uncertainty, with imprecise language, derogations, and broad delegation leaving much to interpretation. Finally, scythe designs feature a narrow set of objects, subjects, and instruments that are addressed in an imprecise manner. These designs are targeted to solve a singular problem, but do so in a way that is hard to control.
Both blades and legislative designs therefore involve trade-offs between power and control, and between breadth and specificity of usage. The blade metaphor also conveys how legislation functions in practice as an instrument of governance that shapes the political order. Blades can be designed for long-term or temporary use, much as laws can be durable frameworks or ad hoc emergency measures. Legislative design determines whether laws achieve their intended effect precisely or leave room for interpretation and unintended consequences. Our goal of conceptualizing legislative design as blades is to emphasize that legislation is capable of broad changes or fine adjustments depending on its versatility and precision. One advantage of this novel framework is that, due to its simple and abstract nature, it does not require us to focus on a particular policy type (e.g., regulative or distributive policies) or conflict dimension (e.g., restrictiveness or generosity) to distinguish the policy substance of democratic laws conceptually. Our framework therefore allows for the comparison of legislative design across different hierarchical levels—law, domain, system—for practically any policy in a legislative text.

Empirical application

We demonstrate the use and validity of our framework by applying it qualitatively. Though large-N empirical application and analyses are our long-term goal, we believe that a careful examination of the underlying conceptual framework should precede the extension to a larger universe of democratic laws. Our qualitative application provides a nuanced understanding of the components that define legislative designs and their interaction in real-world legislation. The goal is therefore to demonstrate the variance of legislative designs and show how the six indicators jointly define the character of a law.
As shown in Fig. 1, versatility and precision are continua along which legislative designs vary. Consequently, the designs described in the previous section represent ideal types that we should not necessarily expect to often empirically observe in their ‘pure’ form, with most laws combining elements of different designs. Yet, to illustrate the utility of our framework, we present case studies of legislative designs that come close to these ideal types.6 Though the framework allows for the study of any policy domain in any political system, its potential can best be assessed if we narrow our focus to two policy domains and hold the institutional setting constant. Specifically, we focus this initial application on eight laws across two policy domains in a single institutional setting: environmental and macroprudential financial legislation in the political system of the EU.7 The motivation behind the selection of environmental and macroprudential financial laws is to explore the plausibility of our framework in two salient but distinct policy domains. We justify our focus on these domains in the supplementary material.
We apply our framework to laws from the EU, a good case due to its complex legislative environment (Hix & Høyland, 2022). As a supranational entity, the EU must reconcile diverse national interests, traditions, and political cultures, leading us to expect variation in the versatility and precision of legislative designs. The EU’s institutional design inherently demands negotiation and compromise. Because EU legislation requires consensus among national governments and passes both the European Parliament and Council, laws are likely to vary in their precision. These features allow us to observe dilution, derogation, and delegation as tools potentially used by legislators to manage disagreement, align interests, and ensure successful adoption.

Swiss Army Knives: REACH & MiFIR regulations

The Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and Restriction of Chemicals (REACH) is a 2006 EU Regulation. With its multifaceted approach to chemical regulation and presence of cross-cutting issues, REACH is recognized as one of the most significant environmental laws in the EU (Lindgren & Persson, 2008). REACH integrates many substances in one regulatory framework rather than focusing on a single chemical substance (Pesendorfer, 2006). Although primarily classified as an environmental law, REACH regulates almost all chemicals throughout their life cycle and across supply chains, intersecting with other domains such as safety at work and internal market principles.
In doing so, REACH covers a variety of objects, targets multiple policy subjects, and incorporates a diverse set of instruments. The regulation is also notable for its precision, consolidating forty distinct pieces of legislation (Lindgren & Persson, 2008), enhancing legal clarity and consistency across the EU, as evidenced by the use of specific and measurable terms, such as regarding quantities and timing. For example, it requires manufacturers or importers to submit a technical dossier and a chemical safety report in a prescribed format (Art. 10). A diluted version would have required registrants to just submit “appropriate” information. REACH also specifies derogations in detail, determining which sectors or products are exempt from registration and requires exempted manufacturers or importers to notify the agency using strict modal verbs such as “shall” (Art. 9(1). Similarly, though the law contains several delegations, responsibilities are narrowly defined. For example, the law leaves configuration of competent authorities to Member States but defines their responsibilities specifically, including informing the public and establishing national helpdesks (Art. 121).
Similarly, the 2014 Markets in Financial Instruments Regulation (MiFIR) regulates a broad market ecosystem by covering both the instruments traded and the venues or systems where trading occurs, with the overarching goal of enhancing transparency (Huertas, 2024). To achieve this goal, it uses a broad toolkit from regulatory rules and sanctions to planning and information-based instruments.
In terms of precision, MiFIR is highly technical and detailed. The regulation specifies clear thresholds and timelines, such as the volume cap mechanism, restricting the share of trades executed on non-transparent venues to 4% (Art. 5(1(a))), and the requirement to publish total volumes within five working days after the end of each calendar month (Art. 5(4)). Delegation is clearly structured, such as the entrustment of the European Securities and Markets Authority (ESMA) with responsibility for publishing volume data with explicit timelines (Art. 5(4)). Derogations are narrowly framed and tied to defined procedures using strict modal verbs.

Scalpels: F-gas & Benchmark Regulations

The 2024 Regulation on Fluorinated Greenhouse Gases (F-gas Regulation) targets fluorinated greenhouse gases in particular products to strengthen climate action (European Commission, 2024). Whereas REACH uses general terms like “chemical product” or “product safety”, the F-gas Regulation employs targeted terminology such as “fluorine”. The F-gas Regulation is limited to subjects within the market of fluorinated greenhouse gases, like heating pumps or air conditioning (Art. 2). Whereas REACH speaks to a broader set of stakeholders across different chemical sectors, the F-gas regulation targets specific sectors with a smaller set of tools, mostly focused on regulatory instruments (Han & Lim, 2018).
The F-gas Regulation uses precise legal language by setting clear criteria, such as when leak checks are necessary (Art. 5(1)), or setting specific timelines (Art. 17(1)). Concerning derogations, the regulation uses similar formulations as REACH, tightly defining exemptions with explicit legal language. The F-gas Regulation contains some delegation but outlines clear responsibilities when delegating. For example, the configuration of the F-gas Portal is delegated to the European Commission with clear operational requirements (Art. 20(1)), specifying that the portal should be connected with the EU Single Window Environment for Customs (Art. 20(2)).
Like the F-gas Regulation, the Benchmark Regulation targets one object, benchmarks, and regulates their chain of production and use, relying primarily on regulatory instruments, complemented by sanctions and information-based measures (Aquilina et al., 2017). In terms of legal precision, the Benchmark Regulation is detailed and technical, with clear rules, for example on the development of methodologies for determining benchmarks (Art. 12) or specific requirements for different categories of benchmarks (Title III and Annex). Exemptions are explicitly defined and subject to procedural constraints (Art. 25). Delegation is limited, with little transfer of discretion to national authorities; where powers are delegated to the ESMA and Commission, they are carefully framed to ensure consistent implementation across Member States.

Machetes: Renewable Energy & Anti-Money Laundering Directives

The Renewable Energy Directive (RED) integrates renewable energy sources across a range of sectors—including heating, cooling, and transport—using diverse policy instruments. For instance, it enables the formation of renewable energy communities (Art. 22), described as an innovative policy tool (Fina & Auer, 2020). The RED is therefore versatile, supporting both environmental and energy policy goals across sectors using innovative policy tools.
The RED uses imprecise legal language in terms of degree, quantity, and time that allow for interpretation by Member States, for instance using unclarified terms like “appropriate measures” (Art. 15(4). Concerning derogations, the directive uses permissive modal verbs such as “may” that make exemptions non-binding and leave decisions to Member States (Art. 4(4). Key responsibilities are delegated to Member States and the Commission, such as the requirement to set national contributions toward the EU-wide target, granting considerable discretion. Specifically, the directive merely requires minimum national contributions based on the 2020 baseline to reach the Union-wide target (Iliopoulos, 2018). The RED therefore connects environmental and energy policy goals across multiple sectors using a variety of policy tools with a high degree of uncertainty.
The 2015 Anti-Money Laundering Directive (AMLD) seeks to combat terrorism, money laundering, and financial crime through preventive and protective measures, addressing criminal justice and economic integrity concerns. Its scope extends beyond core financial institutions (e.g., banks) to include auditors, lawyers, and notaries. The directive relies on a broad toolkit that combines regulatory, market-based, planning, and information-based instruments.
Like the RED, the AMLD is marked by significant dilution (Haffke et al., 2020). Many obligations are formulated through general principles such as “risk-based approaches” (Art. 4(1) or vague temporal references such as “up-to-date” (Art. 7), rather than precise legal standards. Derogations also weaken precision, as Member States “may” exempt entities from due diligence obligations on the basis of an “appropriate risk assessment” (Art. 12), without clarifying what counts as appropriate. This permissive drafting leads to case-by-case decisions, shifting the responsibility to the national level. The AMLD also exhibits extensive delegation, leaving it largely up to Member States to interpret and enforce provisions; for instance, Member States “can” adopt stricter measures to fight money laundering (Art. 5).

Scythes: Environmental Impact Assessment & Deposit Guarantee Scheme Directives

The Environmental Impact Assessment Directive (EIA) requires the assessment of environmental effects of certain public and private development projects prior to their approval. Like the F-gas Regulation, the EIA targets a closely defined subset of stakeholders. It pursues its goal of assessment in the evaluation process of development projects through a single key instrument category, planning instruments.
Similar to the RED, the EIA exhibits low levels of precision. Dilution is high, as provisions use vague terms such as “likely to have significant effects” (Art. 1(1), or flexible temporal markers like “early” and “as soon as” (Art. 6(2). Such terms introduce ambiguity, leaving room for interpretation by Member States or authorities regarding what constitutes a “significant” effect and creating uncertainty around the scope of projects subject to the EIA (Ryall, 2018). Derogations are discretionary and on a case-by-case basis, formulated with undefined permissive language such as “may”, or “in exceptional cases” (Art. 2(4). Concerning delegation, the EIA relies on national implementation with unclear responsibilities and procedures (Art. 11(1), delegating enforcement mechanisms to national legal systems and leaving it to domestic law to determine the standard of review (Ryall, 2018).
The Deposit Guarantee Scheme Directive’s (DGSD) principal objective is to ensure that depositors are reimbursed if a bank fails, safeguarding trust in the banking system (Mecatti, 2020). The directive is tailored to a single object—deposit protection—and relies on a limited set of instruments. The DGSD establishes an obligatory standard of coverage, allocates financing responsibility to credit institutions through levies, and requires that depositors be informed of the scope and limits of protection (Gortsos, 2019).
In terms of precision, the directive alternates between setting a uniform coverage threshold but using vague and diluted formulations, similar to the AMLD. It employs indeterminate terms such as “sound and transparent practices” (Art. 4(12)) or “own risk-based methods” (Art. 13(2)), without specifying these practices or methods. Derogations are likewise broadly framed. For instance, Member States, with Commission approval, can authorise a lower funding target than that otherwise required, using permissive language such as “may”, and “where justified” (Art. 8(6)). Conditions attached to authorization are expressed using imprecise terms such as “significant share of available financial means” (Art. 8(6a)). Discretion is conferred on Member States, for instance, in defining the scope of a “single depositor” (Art. 7(2)), or in deciding how DGSs use their funds (Art. 11(3)).

Comparative assessment

Table 3 provides an overview of the laws analyzed and illustrates how they correspond to the ideal types.
Table 3
Empirical application summary
Law
REACH & MiFIR
F-gas & benchmark regulations
RED & AMLD
EIA & DGS directives
Ideal type
Swiss army knife
Scalpel
Machete
Scythe
Objects
Broad: cross-cutting, whole market of chemical substances/financial instruments
Narrow: focused,
F-gases/ benchmark
Broad: cross-cutting, renewable energy across sectors/terrorism and money laundering
Narrow: focused, EIA/DGS
Subjects
Broad: member states, subjects across multiple areas
Narrow: Member states, subjects within one area
Broad: member states, subjects across multiple areas
Narrow: member states, subjects within one area
Instruments
Broad: diverse set of policy instruments
Narrow: Limited set of policy instruments
Broad: diverse set of policy instruments
Narrow: Limited set of policy instruments
Versatility
High
Low
High
Low
Dilution
Few imprecise terms: clear legal language and timelines
Few imprecise terms: clear legal language and timelines
Many imprecise terms: vague legal language and no clear timelines
Many imprecise terms: Vague legal language and no clear timelines
Derogation
Highly specified: strict derogations
Highly specified: strict derogations
Weakly specified: permissive derogations
Weakly specified: permissive derogations
Delegation
Highly specified: reduced granting of power
Highly specified: reduced granting of power
Weakly specified: increased granting of power
Weakly specified: Increased granting of power
Precision
High
High
Low
Low
As discussed above, REACH and MiFIR exemplify Swiss army knives: cross-sectoral, comprehensive laws that apply broadly—covering all chemical substances in the former case, and nearly all financial instruments and trading systems in the latter—and that employ a wide array of instruments spanning all four categories of the measurement concept. They are drafted with precise legal terminology and set out narrowly defined conditions for derogations and delegations.
The F-gas and Benchmark regulations function like scalpels; narrowly tailored to address specific objectives—fluorinated gases or financial benchmarks—by targeting a limited set of actors and relying primarily on regulatory instruments. These laws nonetheless achieve this with precise formulations and clearly circumscribed provisions for derogation and delegation.
The RED and AMLD are like machetes that can be used for a variety of purposes. They cut across multiple sectors to advance renewable energy integration in the case of RED, and combat money laundering as well as terrorism in the case of AMLD. To this end, they employ a broad toolkit across all four identified categories of instruments. Yet, because they rely on broadly framed derogations, often leading to case-by-case exemption decisions, and extensive delegations combined with imprecise legal language, it remains uncertain how Member States will fulfill the laws’ objectives.
The EIA and DGSD fit the scythe ideal type. They address specific problems—environmental impact assessments of development projects and deposit guarantee schemes—with a relatively narrow toolkit centered on planning, or regulatory and information-based instruments. Moreover, they employ vague legal terms, loosely defined derogations with permissive language, and significant delegation to Member States.
These examples demonstrate the value of our framework for classifying laws into four ideal types. The six indicators we propose vary in whether they appear narrowly or broadly within a law and in whether they are specified in detail or open-ended. Together, these indicators allow us to determine a law’s versatility and precision. Our analysis highlights that laws differ independently along both these dimensions. For example, REACH and RED rely on a similarly diverse set of policy objects, subjects, and instruments but diverge markedly in the way derogations and thresholds are formulated. In other words, a law can appear equally far-reaching in scope, while the specification in its provisions determines how predictable and consistent it is.

Conclusion: A unified framework of legislative design

We introduce a novel conceptual approach to capture the substance of democratic legislation that will allow for the comparison of legislative designs across policy subsystems, institutional settings, and time. Our approach is based on the idea that legislative design is a combination of a law’s versatility and its precision. Versatility varies in the law’s diversity of objects, subjects, and instruments; precision is affected by the vagueness of its language, the way it formulates derogations, and the extent to which it delegates rule-making authority. These dimensions yield four different ideal types of democratic laws: the Swiss army knife (high versatility, high precision), the scalpel (low, high), the machete (high, low), and the scythe (low, low). To illustrate the usefulness of this approach, we show how legislative design varies within two policy domains, applying our framework to four environmental and macroprudential laws in the EU. Our qualitative application shows that legislative design is not determined by functional pressure or necessity dictated by the broader policy domain, suggesting that legislative design is a political choice.
A unified framework of legislative design is long overdue. For too long, distinct subfields have approached the subject without a common conceptual language, limiting the scope for advancing theory and empirical interdisciplinary collaboration. Prioritizing universality—with few, if any, laws falling outside its scope—our framework will hopefully benefit scholars of public policy, street-level bureaucracy, law, sociology, economics, and even philosophy. The practical nature of our approach, applicable to any written law that emerges from the legislative process, offers benefits for comparativists both within and beyond the discipline of political science; being concrete enough to allow for systematic measurement, yet abstract enough to allow for interdisciplinary exchange.
Leveraging recent developments in computational social science, natural language processing, and large language models offers one avenue to measure legislative designs across laws, political systems, and time. The logical next step will be to enhance the qualitative approach pursued here with a large-N analysis of legislative designs. Doing so not only requires the collection, pre-processing, and coding of vast amounts of textual data, but also the development of a theoretically and empirically informed data aggregation strategy. Doing so will enable the systematic comparative analysis of democratic legislation from the level of the individual legal provision, to the broader policy domain, to the political system as a whole. Though initial attempts at measuring and analyzing individual components of legislative designs with methods of computational text analysis have been undertaken (e.g., Anastasopoulos & Bertelli, 2020; Vannoni et al., 2021), what is needed is a comprehensive attempt to study multiple components jointly across space and time. Our large-N application will also identify whether some indicators are more important for legislative design than others.
In this article, we discussed legislative designs as a static characteristic of a law, but are conscious that laws change over time. The extent to which laws are adapted and transformed over time might potentially be related to their initial design. Versatile and imprecise machete laws might be the end product of contested policy-making processes in which stakeholder interests are reconciled through complex policy compromises. Such designs might then prove to be more stable if the costs of changing them are considered too high. In contrast, targeted and precise scalpel laws might result from an exclusive and technical decision-making process, potentially enabling the adaptation of these laws in a changing environment. Understanding these relationships requires comparing legislative design at scale; the conceptual framework we provide here therefore serves as a ‘navigation system’.
Future research might analyze whether legislative designs are specific to policy domains or political systems, and how they evolve. Are certain policy domains more versatile and precise than others, or is legislative design largely a reflection of the institutional arrangements in which laws are formulated? How are legislative designs maintained (Knill et al., 2025; Mettler, 2016), adjusted, and transformed after their initial adoption? Similarly, our approach allows the investigation of which contextual factors facilitate—or impede—the adoption of different legislative designs. How do the political and institutional costs of policy formulation affect the design of a law beyond its complexity (Hurka, 2025)? Are there spillover or learning effects across domains (Goyal & Howlett, 2024)? What makes certain legislative designs more robust and effective than others (Howlett & Ramesh, 2023)? By systematically comparing laws according to our conceptual approach, we hope to be in a better position to understand how legislative design shapes policy outcomes.
Given that many democracies face increasing systemic pressures, developing a deeper understanding of the factors that drive the design, creation, and survival of democratic laws also carries normative importance; for street-level bureaucrats responsible for policy implementation, and for fundamental questions of democratic accountability and transparency. Precise designs might enable clearer accountability by explicitly defining responsibilities, reducing ambiguity, and limiting discretionary interpretations. Conversely, versatile and imprecise designs may diffuse accountability, complicating oversight processes, and reducing transparency. Though precise laws may enhance accountability, rigid designs might limit the flexibility to accommodate diverse interests that vary over time. Laws with high versatility and lower precision may better capture pluralistic values but risk ambiguity in implementation. We consider the question of how policy-makers solve this balancing act as central to future enquiries, and our conceptual approach should be understood as a first step in this research agenda.

Declarations

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.
Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.

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Titel
Laws as blades: A conceptual framework of legislative design
Verfasst von
Steffen Hurka
Stefanie Rueß
Mike Cowburn
Constantin Kaplaner
Publikationsdatum
11.11.2025
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Policy Sciences / Ausgabe 4/2025
Print ISSN: 0032-2687
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-0891
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11077-025-09593-6

Supplementary Information

Below is the link to the electronic supplementary material.
1
We discuss the link between legislative design and capacity in the supplementary material.
 
2
While we do not conduct a cross-temporal analysis in the present study, future research may evaluate legislative designs at different points in, enabling dynamic comparisons of their relative versatility and precision.
 
3
http://uk.westlaw.com (accessed 24th April, 2025).
 
4
We discuss the normative implications of subject choice in the supplementary material.
 
5
In the supplementary material we present detailed examples for the environmental and financial domains.
 
6
We provide a detailed application of each law into the framework in the supplementary material.
 
7
In terms of precision; EU regulations are binding, whereas directives allow Member States discretion in implementation (Hurka & Steinebach, 2021). Regulations are therefore commonly more precise.
 
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