The Libyan case is constitutive for BRICS as a foreign policy grouping. The Western-led intervention to remove Gaddafi was commonly seen as unacceptable, favoring geostrategic calculations and a regime change approach but not in the first place humanitarian motivations. To the crisis BRICS responded passive cooperatively voicing their concern but not having any significant influence on the course of civil war. While all BRICS countries were serving on the UN Security Council in 2011, there was no visible coordination or group engagement toward the crisis. However, the anger over the intervention was essential for BRICS in confirming their belief in the need to counter Western hegemony and insisting on the strict adherence to state sovereignty.
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The literature especially on Libya is vast. The most informative contributions might be the following: Hehir, A. (2013) The permanence of inconsistency: Libya, the Security Council, and the Responsibility to Protect. International Security. 38(1), 137–159. Neethling, Theo (2012) “Reflections on norm dynamics: South African foreign policy and the no-fly zone over Libya”, South African Journal of International Affairs, 19(1), 25–42. O’Brien, Emily and Sinclair, Andrew (2011) “The Libyan War: A Diplomatic History”, (New York: New York University, Center on International Cooperation). Williams, Paul D. and Bellamy, Alex J. (2012) Principles, politics and prudence: Libya and the new politics of humanitarian war. Global Governance, 18(3), 273–297.
Bellamy, Alexander J. (2014) “From Tripoli to Damascus: lesson learning and the implementation of the responsibility to protect,” International Politics, 51(1), 23–44. Stuenkel, Olivier (2014) “The BRICS and the Future of R2P Was Syria or Libya the Exception?” Global Journal of the Responsibility to Protect, 6, 3–28. Thakur, Ramesh (2013) “R2P after Libya and Syria: Engaging Emerging Powers,” The Washington Quarterly, 36(2), 61–76. Zifcak, Spencer (2012) “The Responsibility to Protect after Libya and Syria” Melbourne Journal of International Law 13, 1–35. Tocci, Nathalie (2016) “On Power and Norms: Libya, Syria and the Responsibility to Protect” Global Responsibility to Protect, 8, 51–75.
Barnett, Michael and Solingen, Etel (2007) Designed to Fail or Failure of Design: The Origins and Legacy of the Arab League” in Acharya, Amitav and Johnston Alastair (eds) Crafting Cooperation Regional International Institutions in comparative Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 180–220.
Puri, Hardeep (2016) Perilous Interventions: The Security Council and the Politics of Chaos. Uttar Pradesh, London, Toronto, Scarborough, Sydney, New York: Harper Collins Publishers, p. 62.
Zuma, Jakob (2011): Keynote address by His Excellency President Jacob Zuma at the Commemoration of the National Human Rights Day, Athlone Stadium, Cape Town, 21 March 2011.
UN, General Assembly “After Much Wrangling, General Assembly Seats National Transitional Council of Libya as Country’s Representative for Sixty-Sixth Session” New York 16 Sep. 2011. https://www.un.org/press/en/2011/ga11137.doc.htm Accessed 27 Nov. 2017.
Stuenkel, Oliver (2013) “Brazil as a norm entrepreneur: the Responsibility While Protecting” in Hamann, Eduarda and Muggah, Robert (eds) Implementing the Responsibility to Protect: New Directions for International Peace and Security? Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute, pp. 59–62.
Tourinho, M, Stuenkel, Oliver and Brockmeier, Sarah (2016) ‘“Responsibility while Protecting”: Reforming R2P Implementation’, Global Society, 30(1) 134–150.
Hamann, Eduarda (2012) “Brazil and R2P: A Rising Global Player Struggles to Harmonise Discourse and Practice” in Brosig, Malte (ed) The Responsibility to Protect – From Evasive to Reluctant Action? Johannesburg and Pretoria: HSS, ISS, SAIIA, pp. 80–82.
Bloomfield, Alan (2015) “India and the Libyan Crisis: Flirting with the Responsibility to Protect, Retreating to the Sovereignty Norm,” Contemporary Security Policy, 36(1), p. 33.
Hall, Ian (2013) “Tilting at Windmills? The Indian Debate over the Responsibility to Protect after UNSC Resolution 1973” Global Responsibility to Protect 5, p. 87.
Ferdinand, Peter (2013) The Positions of Russia and China at the UN Security Council in the Light of Recent Crises. EU DG for External Policies of the Union, p. 13.
China’s evolving foreign policy, The Libyan dilemma, A rising power starts to knock against the limits of its hallowed “non-interference” The Economist, 10 Sep. 2011 http://www.economist.com/node/21528664 Accessed 29 Nov. 2017.
Fung, Courtney (2016) Global South solidarity? China, regional organisations and intervention in the Libyan and Syrian civil wars, Third World Quarterly, 37(1), 38.
China’s evolving foreign policy, The Libyan dilemma, A rising power starts to knock against the limits of its hallowed “non-interference” The Economist, 10 Sep. 2011 http://www.economist.com/node/21528664 Accessed 29 Nov. 2017.
In 2011 the following 15 countries were elected to the PSC: Benin, Burundi, Chad, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Namibia, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa and Zimbabwe. https://au.int/en/organs/psc Accessed 30 Nov. 2017.
Glanville, Luke (2013) “In Defense of the Responsibility to Protect” Journal of Religious Ethics 41(1), 169–182. Reed, Esther (2012) “Responsibility to Protect and Militarized Humanitarian Intervention: When and Why Churches Failed to Discern Moral Hazard.” Journal of Religious Ethics, 40(2), 308–334.
Van Nieuwkerk, Anthoni (2007) “A critique of South Africa’s role on the UN security council,” South African Journal of International Affairs, 14(1), 61–77.
Joint Communiqué on the Outcome of the Meeting of BRICS Deputy Foreign Ministers on the Situation in the Middle East and North Africa, Moscow, Russia, November 24, 2011. http://www.brics.utoronto.ca/docs/111124-foreign.html Accessed 1 Dec. 2017.