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Erschienen in: Qualitative Sociology 2/2018

15.05.2018

Petty Crimes and Harassment: How Community Residents Understand Low-Level Enforcement in three High-Crime Neighborhoods in New York City

verfasst von: Carla J. Barrett, Megan Welsh

Erschienen in: Qualitative Sociology | Ausgabe 2/2018

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Abstract

This paper examines how residents of high-crime communities understand so-called “quality of life” policing tactics and their effects on police-community relations. We demonstrate how focus groups offer a unique opportunity to understand how community members perceive police activity by giving research participants an opportunity to dialog with each other to collectively articulate the meanings of this complex issue. We draw on focus groups conducted in three New York neighborhoods with high levels of violence, police contact, poverty, and other indicators of concentrated disadvantage. One set of focus groups was conducted with Black and/or Latino males ages 16–20 living in each community, while another set was held with adult residents over age 30, who had lived in the community for at least 10 years. We closely examine how these two sets of community residents express concerns related to aggressive low-level enforcement actions in their communities and the concomitant issues of the over-policing of young men of color, the under-policing of what residents understand to be the primary threats to their personal safety, and the perceived lack of police accountability. We consider the implications of these findings for police-community relations more broadly.

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Fußnoten
1
It is also important to note that “disorder” itself is difficult to define, and may contribute to subjective and seemingly arbitrary law enforcement (Roberts 1999).
 
2
On the coattails of increases in misdemeanor arrests, which started a decade earlier, pedestrian stops by police officers more than quadrupled inside of a decade, growing from 160,000 in 2003 to 685,000 in 2011 before falling sharply to 191,000 in 2013 (Chauhan et al. 2015a). Stop, question, and frisk has since been the subject of civil rights litigation; see Floyd v. City of New York 959, F. Supp. 2d 540 (2013) and Ligon v. City of New York, 925 F. Supp. 2d 478 (2013).
 
3
Up until new, “Raise the Age” legislation passed in 2016, New York was one of only two states, along with North Carolina, that had this low an age threshold for trying youth as adults in criminal court. In October 2018 the age of criminal responsibility in New York State will raise to 17 and in October 2019 it will raise to 18 (Lohmann 2017).
 
4
On July 17, 2014, Garner died in Staten Island as a result of an NYPD officer using a chokehold to subdue and restrain him—a tactic not sanctioned by NYPD policy. This incident occurred as a result of NYPD officers’ decision to stop, question, and subsequently restrain Garner on the suspicion that he was committing a misdemeanor offense, the sale of loose cigarettes.
 
5
Under-policing is distinct from but interrelated to the concept of depolicing—that as a result of widespread criticism of racially-biased policing and other misconduct, police officers are deliberately disengaging from police work (Oliver 2015)—the so-called “Ferguson effect” (Pyrooz et al. 2016; Nix and Wolfe 2016).
 
6
Although one of the researchers lived in to the community where one set of the focus groups was conducted, she did not have any prior connections with the organization where the research took place.
 
7
While some of these organizations may have had some involvement related to advocacy around issues of policing, we did not seek out organizations who had this as their mission. We choose organizations with a well-established presence in the community dedicated to community support, outreach, education, etc. Neither of the researchers had on-going relationships with these organizations, although one of the researchers had had some prior contact with two of the organizations related to prior research activity (on topics not related to police/community relations.)
 
8
Data were not disaggregated between Black participants and Latino participants. Participants were not asked specific information regarding self-identification regarding race and/or ethnicity beyond the broad screening parameters described. We note the long history of limitations to the ways in which social scientists attempt to measure racial/ethnic identity (e.g., Phinney 1990). In response, we follow Burton et al. (2010) in seeking to capture our participants’ “lived ethnicity” (1338–1339) and how this shapes experiences with and perceptions of the police.
 
9
Data collected from focus groups that are single quotes and not part of a focus group exchange identify the speaker after the quote. Data that are part of a focus group exchange include identifiers before the exchange.
 
10
This study was approved by the City University of New York Institutional Review Board.
 
11
See New York City’s Health Code §181.03.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Petty Crimes and Harassment: How Community Residents Understand Low-Level Enforcement in three High-Crime Neighborhoods in New York City
verfasst von
Carla J. Barrett
Megan Welsh
Publikationsdatum
15.05.2018
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Qualitative Sociology / Ausgabe 2/2018
Print ISSN: 0162-0436
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-7837
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-018-9377-z

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