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Erschienen in: Qualitative Sociology 4/2018

15.10.2018

Negotiating Symbolic Boundaries in Conflict Resolution: Religion and Ethnicity in Turkey’s Kurdish Conflict

verfasst von: Gülay Türkmen

Erschienen in: Qualitative Sociology | Ausgabe 4/2018

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Abstract

This article is an inquiry into understanding why supranational religious identity often fails to act as a conflict resolution tool in religiously homogenous ethnic conflicts. Narrowing its focus down to the role of religious elites as potential peacemakers in such conflict zones, it proposes the divergence in their conceptualizations of religious and ethnic identities as an explanatory factor. Building on 62 in-depth interviews conducted in Turkey with Sunni Muslim Kurdish and Turkish religious elites, it identifies a three-fold typology of religious and ethnic identities, as conceptualized by these elites: 1) religio-ethnic; 2) ethno-religious; 3) religious. After exemplifying each category with interview data it demonstrates the role these distinctions play in preventing the successful implementation of “Muslim fraternity” as a solution to the Kurdish conflict in Turkey. With these findings, the article contributes to both the literature on religion in conflict resolution and that on identity formation and boundary making. While it invites the former to turn its gaze from macro-level structural factors to meso- and micro-level cultural factors in analyzing religious elite involvement in conflict resolution, it invites the latter to stop employing “ethnicity” as an all-encompassing term (that covers a vast array of identity markers including religion) and focus, instead, on the gradations between religion and ethnicity as sources of identity.

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Fußnoten
1
This tendency has its roots in mid-twentieth century, when American sociologists (e.g. Glazer and Moynihan 1963; Warner and Lunt 1941) came to use “ethnic group” to refer to “nearly any discernible minority, religious, linguistic or otherwise” (Connor 1994, 101). Such a flexible definition led to the idea that it is futile to try to separate religious and ethnic identity from each other (Enloe 1996). Hence, while Gans talks about “Jewish and Catholic ethnics” (1979, 2-3), Smith (1993) lists the Shiite as an ethnic group, and Jesse and Williams (2011, 11) give Protestants and Catholics as examples of “ethnic groups.”
 
2
Note that the roots of Kurdish dissent go back as early as the nineteenth century when the first Kurdish revolts in the Ottoman Empire, mostly feudal in character, took place. Organized against the centralizing tendencies of the central Ottoman government, these revolts were usually led by tribal leaders. After the foundation of the Turkish Republic three notable Kurdish revolts took place: The Sheikh Said Rebellion of 1925, The Mount Ararat Revolt of 1927-1930, and the Dersim Rebellion of 1937-8. Even though these revolts aimed “to bring back the Islamic character of the state which was destroyed by (…) the abolition of the Sultanate (1923) and the Caliphate (1924)” (Cizre-Sakallıoğlu 1998, 79) most historians concur that these revolts aimed at holding onto traditional Kurdish identity irrespective of its religious or ethnic aspect (Cevik 2012; van Bruinessen 1984). While early Kurdish revolts were all marked by a dominant religious discourse alongside a nationalistic one, the period between 1950 and 1980 was to witness the secularization of the Kurdish movement and the dwindling influence of religion on Kurdish nationalist leaders (but not among the Kurdish population).
 
3
“Kurdish movement,” in this article, refers to the complex set of legal and illegal Kurdish organizations associated with the Kurdish struggle for greater political and cultural rights and political autonomy. It comprises the illegal PKK [Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan/Kurdistan Workers’ Party] and the KCK [Koma Civakên Kurdistan/Kurdistan Communities Union] and the legal HDP [Halkların Demokratik Partisi/Peoples’ Democratic Party], DBP [Demokratik Bölgeler Partisi/Democratic Regions Party], DTK [Demokratik Toplum Kongresi/Democratic Society Congress], and HDK [Halkların Demokratik Kongresi/Peoples’ Democratic Congress].
 
4
See Aktürk 2018 for a compilation of speeches by Erdoğan in which he promotes Islam as “the tie” that binds Kurds and Turks.
 
5
HDP was established alongside the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), the descendant of the Democratic Society Party (DTP) that was banned by the Constitutional Court in 2009. At the 2014 municipal elections BDP ran in Turkey’s Kurdish-dominated southeast while the HDP competed in the rest of the country. On 28 April 2014, the entire parliamentary caucus of BDP joined HDP, whereas BDP was assigned exclusively to representatives on the local administration level. At the 3rd Congress of the BDP on 11 July 2014, the name was changed to the Democratic Regions Party (DBP) and a new structure restricting the activities on the local/regional government level was adopted.
 
6
The Kurdish Hizbullah engaged in armed conflict with the PKK throughout the 90s. Made up of Sunni Kurds, it is not connected to the Lebanese Hizbullah, which is a Shiite organization. In the year 2000, its leader, Hüseyin Velioğlu, was killed in a police raid in Istanbul and hundreds of Hizbullah members were detained. In 2013 the remaining members founded a political party with the name of Hür Dava Partisi (Free Cause Party). For a detailed account, please check Mehmet Kurt’s Kurdish Hizbullah in Turkey: Islamism, Violence and the State (2017).
 
7
Because the peace talks between the government and the PKK took place in secret it is not possible to know how active a role these meles were given in the peace process
 
8
 
10
Medreses are school complexes where Islamic theology is taught. Although they were widespread during the Ottoman period, they have been banned in Turkey since 1924 (but they have still been functioning underground). Most of the biggest medreses were in the Kurdish region, and they were considered a double threat by the founders of the Turkish Republic as potential sources of Islamism and Kurdish nationalism.
 
11
The NGOs I got in touch with are DIAYDER, Diyanet-Sen, Ay-Der, Özgür-Der, Azadi, Mazlum-Der, and Nubihar/Med-Zehra Vakfi. The religious orders whose members I interviewed are the Menzil, the Mevlevis, the Gülenists, and the Kadiris.
 
12
This is not to single out Kurdish meles as the only religious elites reluctant to embrace Sunni Islam as a conflict resolution tool. To the contrary, as I discuss in the Findings, my interviews with Turkish religious elites have revealed that “Turkishness” is yet another obstacle in the establishment of “Sunni Muslim unity.”
 
13
Please see van Bruinessen 1997 and Leezenberg 2003 for a more detailed discussion on the ethnic identity of the Kurdish Alevis, and their ambiguous relationship with the Kurdish movement.
 
14
All given names are changed to protect the identity of the respondents.
 
15
Because my sample of Turkish Muslims was small, I have not spotted this approach among them. There might indeed be fewer Turkish Muslims endorsing this approach, as the Turkish-Islamic synthesis of the state has a strong impact in these circles (Cizre-Sakallıoğlu 1998), or it might be that Turkish Muslims, as part of the majority ethnic group, don’t feel the need to escape stigmatization (unlike Kurdish Muslims). In any case, it would be misleading to claim Turkish Muslims refute this approach completely.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Negotiating Symbolic Boundaries in Conflict Resolution: Religion and Ethnicity in Turkey’s Kurdish Conflict
verfasst von
Gülay Türkmen
Publikationsdatum
15.10.2018
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Qualitative Sociology / Ausgabe 4/2018
Print ISSN: 0162-0436
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-7837
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-018-9400-4

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