Abstract
Significant socio-legal transformations since September 11th have attracted scholarly investigations in pursuit of identifying the precise nature of a newly configured form of power. In the course of suspending law, the US government has instituted controversial tactics in the war on terror, many of which are deemed illegal under international law (i.e., the unlawful enemy combatant designation, torture, and the war in Iraq). This work attends to recent analyses on sovereignty, governmentality, counter-law, and states of exception in an effort to elaborate on state impunity since it is regarded as an important phenomenon warranting greater exploration. Due to an absence of accountability that would otherwise hold specific government actors responsible, key counter-terrorism strategies perpetuate serious state crimes. The article situates those transgressions within a conceptual context that deepens our understanding of power in a post-9/11 world while inviting further critique on the war on terror as it undermines the rule of law and established human rights protections.
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Notes
Ericson [29] distinguishes between two fundamental forms of counter-law. First is counter-law I known as laws against law and second is counter-law II or surveillant assemblages. Throughout this paper, the term counter-law refers to the first form, laws against law.
“Military order on detention, treatment and the trial of certain non-citizens in the war on terrorism,” 66 Federal Register 57831, 2001.
“Procedures for trials by military commissions of certain non-US citizens in the war on terror against terror,” Department of Defense Military Commission Order No. 1, March 21, 2002.
P.L. 107-40 Sec.2(a), September 18, 2001.
One of more breathtaking moments underscoring the emergence of a newly configured power occurred in 2004. At the time, Federal judge Joyce Hens Green was still interested in scanning the limits of presidential power to detain enemy combatants and whether the White House satisfied the requirement laid out in the June (2004) US Supreme Court decision to provide a justification for their detention acceptable to federal courts. She posed a hypothetical case to Brian Boyle, a Justice Department lawyer: Could the president of the United States imprison “a little old lady from Switzerland” as an enemy combatant if she donated to a charity not knowing that her money was eventually used to finance the activities of Al Qaeda terrorists? After a long pause, Boyle responded: “Possibly”([66], p. A36). Boyle then went on to rationalize that the enemy combatant definition “is not limited to someone who carries a weapon.” Especially given the global reach of the enemy combatant definition, Green pressed Boyle about the temporal scope of the war on terror and the application of the powers under the enemy combatant order: “When will they end?” To which Boyle conceded: “I wish I could give you an answer” ([66], p. A36).
Efforts by the White House to sidestep its obligations under the Convention Against Torture, in addition to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ICCPR ratified in 1992 and key federal statutes that prohibit torture, worry the human rights community. Compounding matters, several government officials have publicly revealed that they endorse interrogation tactics that reside in the ambit of torture. While being questioned by the Senate, Porter J. Goss, director of the CIA, was confronted by Senator John McCain (AZ, R) who spent five years as a prisoner of war in Vietnam. When McCain asked Goss about the CIA’s reported use of “waterboarding,” in which a prisoner is made to believe that he will drown, Goss replied only that the approach fell into “an area of what I will call professional interrogation techniques” ([52], p. A11).
With an expansionist ambition, known as manifest destiny, the US participated in the slave industry, expropriated land from indigenous Americans, and devised the Monroe Doctrine by declaring North and South America as an exclusive American region of the globe. Wars with Mexico and later Spain furthered American borders and established several colonies in the Philippines, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico. Given the relative youthfulness of the US as a nation, there is considerable evidence that it has had – and continues to have – a unique imperial streak ([31], see [6]).
While maintaining its status as a superpower since WW II, the US became truly hegemonic at the end of the Cold War when the Soviet Union collapsed along with its own brand of imperialism. That historical moment gave rise to the US as an unrivaled hyperpower, producing an era in which American military would operate with relative impunity as evidenced by the quick invasions of Panama and Grenada. Both of those military interventions served as virtual tune-ups for the first Gulf War. Still, there emerged a political contest over how to capitalize on the opportunities delivered by the decline of the Soviet Union. On one side of the debate are the global friendly internationalists typified in the presidencies of George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton; on the other are the neo-conservatives known for their fiercely nationalist, unilateralist, and militarist versions of American Open Door imperialism. “It was this latter group that would, surprisingly, find itself in a position to shape America’s imperial project for the 21st century” ([61], p. 456).
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Acknowledgement
I am grateful to Deans Arnold Hyndman, Holly Smith, Ed Rhodes, and Allan Horwitz and the Rutgers University sabbatical program for providing the opportunity complete this work. Likewise, I acknowledge my colleagues at the Centre for the Study of Human Rights at the London School of Economics, particularly Conor Gearty and Stan Cohen, for their support.
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Welch, M. Sovereign impunity in America’s war on terror: examining reconfigured power and the absence of accountability. Crime Law Soc Change 47, 135–150 (2007). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-007-9067-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-007-9067-3