Abstract
All social theory is class-based. Any theoretical system or problematic expresses the imaginary relation of a class or class-fragment to the real relations of production that characterise a social formation in a particular historical conjuncture. The sociology it produces contains, in a form stamped by its class position and more or lass transfigured or obscure, a semblance of the structures and processes constituted by each of the levels of the social formation — the economic system, the political system, and the cultural-ideological system — and of the personality system of its agent (‘theorist’), each of which exercises some determination on the theoretical system.1 As an imaginary construction, a theoretical system enjoys a certain degree of autonomy from its material base such that it can reflect earlier or anticipated later stages in the history of the social formation.2
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Chapter Endnotes
This paradigm for the study of theoretical systems is formulated from the structural approaches of Louis Althusser, For Marx, ( New York; Vintage Books, 1970 )
Louis Althusser, Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays, ( New York; Monthly Review Press, 1971 )
Talcott Parsons, The System of Modern Societies, ( Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey; Prentice-Hall, 1971 )
Nicos Poulantzas, Classes in Contemporary Capitalism, (London; New Left Books,1975)
Alvin W. Gouldner, The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology, ( New York; Avon Books, 1970 ) pp. 378–90.
As between the goods-producing and ‘service’ sectors, see Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society, (New York; Basic Books, 1973): The great divide began in 1947, after World War II. At that time the employment was evenly balanced. From 1947 to 1968 there was a growth of about 6o percent in employment in services, while employment in the goods-producing industries increased less than to percent. (p. 130).
C. Wright Mills, White Collar: The American Middle Classes, (New York; Oxford University Press, 1951) p. xx.
David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd: A study of the Changing American Character, (New Haven, Connecticut; Yale University Press, 1950); Mills, op. cit.
William H. Whyte, The Organisation Man, (New York; Simon and Schuster, 1956).
Luc Boltanski, ‘Trying Goffman et le temps du soupçon’, Information sur les Sciences Sociales, Volume 12, No. 3, (1973) pp. 127–47, esp. pp. 143–4.
Bell, op. cit., p. 127; and Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital, ( New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974 ) p. 326.
See, Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Schooling in Capitalist America, (New York; Basic Books, 1976) Chapter 5; and Poulantzas, op. cit., pp. 258–9.
Daniel Bell, ‘Crime as an American Way of Life: A Queer Ladder of Social Mobility’, in The End of Ideology, (New York; Free Press, 1960), explains how, in the 1940s, organised crime, like capitalism itself, shifted its focus from production (industrial racketeering) to consumption, i.e., the direct exploitation of the citizen as consumer.
See, for example, George Psathas, ‘Goffman’s Image of Man’, Humanity and Society, Volume 1, No. 1, (1977) pp. 84–94
John Dewey, Individualism Old and New, ( New York; Minton, 1929 ) p. 146.
Cooley, quoted in Lewis A. Coser, Masters in Sociological Thought, ( New York; Harcourt-Brace-Janovich; 1971 ) p. 306.
CharlesHorton Cooley, Human Nature and the Social Order, ( New York; Schocken Books, 1964 ) p. 47.
For a discussion of the question of legality or illegality of practice and its relation to theory, see Georg Lukacs, History and Class Consciousness, (Cambridge, Massachusetts; M.I.T. Press, 1971 ).
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© 1980 George Gonos
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Gonos, G. (1980). The Class Position of Goffman’s Sociology: Social Origins of an American Structuralism. In: Ditton, J. (eds) The View from Goffman. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-16268-0_6
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