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2023 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

6. Limiting Europe: Borderscape Practices

verfasst von : Benjamin Tallis

Erschienen in: Identities, Borderscapes, Orders

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter explores and typologises the key bordering ‘practices’ in CEE: ‘Europeanising’, ‘Knowing’, ‘Protecting’, ‘Facilitating’ and ‘Moving’. It shows how Europeanising emerged as a ‘master practice’ due to the obligations and responsibilities of shared borders created by Schengen membership—and the imbalanced partnerships the EU forged in its neighbourhood. The chapter then discusses other key practices that have variously contributed to EU successes or been detrimental to its aims, as well as to the life chances of Ukrainians. Chief among these are the ways of ‘knowing’ migrants and mobility, primarily through Risk Analysis, which skewed the picture of both—and of the neighbourhood. Yet also important are the contradictory—and perhaps counter-intuitive—consequence of the Union’s focus on ‘protecting’ both borders and migrants, which both point to the failure to learn lessons from past success. The chapter goes on to look at the practices of ‘facilitating’ mobility (both licit and illicit) as well as the ways people actually move in and through the region and how these mobilities contest or complement the other practices. Overall, the chapter concludes that the EU’s bordering practices not only serve to delimit Europe, with correlate effects on ‘EU-European’ and ‘Eastern-European’ identities, but also to limit the EU’s effectiveness in spreading its own order—and the benefits of such—to its Eastern neighbours. Complementing the analyses of spatio-material (Chap. 4) and discursive (Chap. 5) borderings, this chapter complete the book’s uniquely comprehensive analyse of European bordering.

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Fußnoten
1
[CZ-I-MFA-1].
 
2
In fact it is an EU or more specifically Schengen border imaginary, but participants tended to refer to a ‘European’ level, rather than either of the other two options.
 
3
People entering one Schengen state and exploiting free movement to enter or stay in another Schengen state without the necessary permissions.
 
5
Xymena Kurowska (2014) provides a nuanced and illuminating discussion of the politics of teaching and learning—and Polish border guards’ roles as pupils and then tutors—in and through the EU and CEE.
 
6
Initial justifications for the mission had included suspicions of widespread arms trafficking, smuggling of radioactive materials, illegal migration, THB and even organ trafficking. However, the most significant issue that EUBAM identified in its AoR in its first year of operation (at the time I worked there) was the smuggling and “re-export” of chicken meat into Ukraine via Transnistria (EUBAM, 2006). Mission management at the time noted that although serious and having public health implications, this issue did not carry the political cache of those mentioned above.
 
7
He subsequently took up an important role at Frontex.
 
8
Working BCPs in Czech Republic were, after 2007, exclusively at international airports. While these airports were also sites of border protection, the focus here is on the road, rail and pedestrian BCPs at the ‘land border’ between Poland and Ukraine, which were by far the most significant channels for Ukrainians seeking to enter the EU.
 
9
A weekend tourist trip made with a car packed full of domestic possessions, or a student travelling with work clothes and equipment may prompt further inquiries.
 
10
A group of young female travellers with relatively recently issued passports travelling for waitressing jobs in Western Europe in a minivan with a male driver with an older passport, may face some questions as to how much they know about the exact nature and conditions of their future employment.
 
11
These detection devices are installed at major Polish–Ukrainian BCPs, which are also equipped with ‘mikrosearch’ capabilities that detect concealed people or animals [PL-PO-3; PL-I-BG-4].
 
13
As well as formal accountability, the presence of officers from different countries in situ at BCPs and Green borders had the effect of providing an ‘external conscience’ that sometimes limited the potential for FR violations.
 
14
The term used by a sex worker interviewed by Andrijasevic et al. (2012).
 
15
More than 150% of the gross average wage, which in 2014 was calculated as being approximately 1000 EUR per month, with 1500 EUR needed to qualify for a Blue Card.
 
16
Citizens of Australia, Montenegro, Croatia, Japan, Canada, South Korea, New Zealand, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, United States, Serbia, Ukraine can apply for the ‘Green Card’ programme which has three categories: A—Qualified Workers with University Education or ‘Key Personnel’ where a particular need has been identified in the labour market; B—jobs with a minimum education requirement; C—other workers.
 
17
This has particular consequence and poignancy in relation to those who live in Zakarpattiya around Uzhgorod that was part of the Czechoslovak ‘First Republic’ (Davies, 2011: 638) and for the ethnic Czechs living in the Ukrainian region of Volhynia.
 
18
During the period of my fieldwork, a scandal erupted at the Polish consulate in Lutsk, in North Western Ukraine, leading to dismissal of the consul general and five deputy consuls for corruption in the granting of visas, linked to THB (Interfax Ukraine, 2012b).
 
19
The overwhelming majority of the 200,000 foreign citizens living in Ukraine came from former Soviet states and no EUMS is in the top ten origin countries (BMP, 2011; IoM, 2008). Ukraine was tenth in CEE for Foreign Direct Investment rankings (Ernst & Young, 2011).
 
20
For example, British government figures for 2011 show 643,000 Poles compared to only 33,000 Czechs—far less than migrants from EU-8 countries with lower populations (e.g. Lithuania and Slovakia) officially residing in the United Kingdom (ONS, 2012).
 
21
Having to apply for a separate, UK visa, was often seen as a ludicrous inconvenience.
 
22
While Poles account for more than a million of these tourists each year, Czech visitors only number around 50,000, far less than Hungary and Romania (more than 700,000 each in 2013) and Slovakia (more than 400,000) according to the Ukrainian State Statistical Service.
 
23
Personal conversation in Odesa, 2007, while working on EUBAM.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Limiting Europe: Borderscape Practices
verfasst von
Benjamin Tallis
Copyright-Jahr
2023
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23249-7_6