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2018 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

7. The European Union in Crisis

verfasst von : Ryszard Zięba

Erschienen in: The Euro-Atlantic Security System in the 21st Century

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

The seventh chapter is concerned with analyzing the crisis of the EU and its negative impact on the functioning of the Euro-Atlantic security system. The symptoms of the crisis came to the fore during work on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe in 2002–2004, which ended in failure. With the Lisbon Treaty, which strengthened the inter-governmental character of the EU, the CSDP fall into stagnation. The EU also couldn’t function as an effective security policy actor on account of the financial and economic crisis 2008–2011. The EU then had to deal with the migration crisis that began in 2014. For many years, nationalistic and centrifugal tendencies threatening the EU’s survival as an integration project also had been on the rise. In 2016, the British decided to take their country out of the EU. The EU’s power to act weakened and the EU did not play a positive role in the Ukraine crisis. Nevertheless, the EU made successive attempts to revitalize the CSDP, drew up a new global foreign and security policy strategy in 2016, discussed how to build an European army, and established Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO).

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Vorheriges Kapitel The West’s Dominance and Expansion and Russia’s Response
Nächstes Kapitel The Marginalization of the OSCE
Fußnoten
1
Zięba (2003), p. 268. For more, see McCormick (2006), Telò (2006), Bretherton and Vogler (2006).
 
2
Until the Amsterdam Treaty came into force (on May 1, 1999) the third pillar encompassed a wider range of issues making up cooperation in the fields of justice and home affairs. Some Parts of these issues were shifted to the first pillar by virtue of the Amsterdam amendment.
 
3
See Timmermans (1999), p. 181 ff.
 
4
For more on the subject of the doubts about whether the EU is an international “actor” or just an “extra”, see Gompert (2002).
 
5
In this book, use was made of the consolidated version of the Treaty on European Union, which takes into account the changes introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon. See Consolidated Version of the Treaty on European Union (2016).
 
6
Compare Edwards (2013), p. 276 et seq.
 
7
This is, however, a general provision whose practical application requires relevant and detailed procedures decided by the European Union Council. The institution of an alliance clause does not entail that the European Union has already become a defensive alliance, as only the European Council, through a unanimous vote, can make such a decision. Of high significance in this context are the reservations added in the Treaty on the European Union to the effect that the newly adopted clause “shall not prejudice the specific character of the security and defense policy of certain Member States. Commitments and cooperation in this area shall be consistent with commitments under the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which, for those States which are members of it, remains the foundation of their collective defense and the forum for its implementation.” (Art. 42, Section 7).
 
8
According to the Treaty of Lisbon, the EU may conduct the following crisis response missions: “joint disarmament operations, humanitarian and rescue tasks, military advice and assistance tasks, conflict prevention and peace-keeping tasks, tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peace-making and post-conflict stabilization. All these tasks may contribute to the fight against terrorism, including by supporting third countries in combating terrorism on their territories.” (Art. 43.1).
 
9
For more on the subject of the innovations introduced to the CFDP by the Treaty of Lisbon, see Węc (2015).
 
10
Aggestam and Johansson (2017).
 
11
Kupchan (2012), p. 154.
 
12
Authors making use of the neo-Gramscian concept of hegemony claim that the causes of the crisis of the CSDP lie deeper than in the lack of a strategic understanding between the EU member states. They indicate that “a key reason for the failure to develop a strategy for the CSDP is a continuing dependence on the USA.” Kempina and Mawdsley (2013), pp. 55, 56.
 
13
For more, see Hurd (1994), Nuttall (2000), pp. 166–169, Petersen (1993), pp. 17–23, Duke (2000), pp. 88–92.
 
14
The Petersberg missions (tasks) are humanitarian and rescue operations, peace missions and combat tasks intended as a response to crisis situations, including the restoration of peace initially taken on by the WEU beyond the territories of Eu member states. They were instituted by a decision of the WEU Ministerial Council on June 19, 1992 as operations lying beyond the provisions of art. V of the modified Treaty of Brussels. For more, see Zięba (2000), pp. 56, 57, and 235.
 
15
For more on the subject of building the EU’s military capabilities see Zięba (2007), pp. 95–101, Zięba (2005), pp. 65–75.
 
16
Marseille Declaration 2000.
 
17
Blanc and Fennebresque (2001), pp. 30–33.
 
18
See Philippart and Edwards (1999).
 
19
See Jaeger (2002), pp. 314–316, de La Serre (2001), Colard (2001).
 
20
Zięba (2013), p. 81.
 
21
For more see Hughes (2010), Gross and Juncos (2011), Nováky (2015).
 
22
Only Poland noted a GDP increase of 1.7%, even though it didn’t take advantage of European Central Bank support.
 
23
Niemcy redukują liczebność … (2011).
 
24
Niemcy wzmacniają … (2015).
 
25
Francja spowalnia … (2013).
 
26
Redukcja brytyjskiej … (2013).
 
27
Council of the European Union (2010).
 
28
Terpan (2015).
 
29
J. Kaczyński wymyśla … (2006).
 
30
Kaczyński (2006), Cienski, J., & Wagstyl, S. Poland proposes an EU army tied to NATO. Financial Times, November 5, 2006.
 
31
Military Unity … (2011).
 
32
Juncker (2015).
 
33
More Union in European … (2015).
 
34
Janning (2015).
 
35
Kaczyński (2016).
 
36
Skutki Brexitu (2016), Niemiecka minister … (2016).
 
37
Niemcy i Francja … (2016).
 
38
In 2019 Poland was supposed to assume command of the Eurocorps. ‘Macierewicz: Polska nie wycofuje się z Eurokorpusu’, Rzeczpospolita. March 28, 2017.
 
39
Keohane (2018).
 
40
Ibidem.
 
41
For more, see Steindler (2015).
 
42
The Berlin Plus format was arranged at the Washington NATO summit in April 1999. It provides for the EU’s access to the Alliance’s resources, capabilities and planning data in conducting crisis management operations by the European allies without US involvement. The name originates from earlier agreements which were made during a Berlin meeting of the North Atlantic Council in June 1996, and which concerned the conducting of such operations by the WEU. In preparation for conducting military operations within the framework of the CSDP, the EU concludes an agreement with NATO in the Berlin Plus formula, if it intends to make use of the Alliance’s resources.
 
43
Zięba (2013), p. 82.
 
44
Simón (2011), pp. 13–14. For more, see Simón (2010).
 
45
Chobielin is a locality not far from Bydgoszcz, where Minister Radosław Sikorski occasionally hosted his foreign partners in his country house.
 
46
Text of the Weimar letter—author’s archive.
 
47
For more, see Węc (2014), pp. 110–116, Ciupiński (2013), pp. 387–398.
 
48
See the report prepared by the former French foreign minister Hubert Védrine (1997–2002) and submitted to president François Hollande in December 2012: Rapport pour le Président de la République Française sur les conséquences du retour de la France dans le Commandement Intégré de l’OTAN, sur l’avenir de la relation transatlantique et les perspectives de l’Europe de la défense, November 14, 2012.
 
49
Gomis (2011), Ostermann (2015).
 
50
For example: considering the joint use of existing military capabilities, the acceleration of national procedures for deciding to use armed forces in crisis management operations, the regular increase of national defense budgets, greater efforts for cooperation in cyber-defense, participation in at least one new project concerning the creation of new military capabilities, participation in the EU’s Battle Groups, preferences given to European cooperation in armaments purchases.
 
51
See: Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) first collaborative PESCO projects—Overview http://​www.​consilium.​europa.​eu/​media/​32079/​pesco-overview-of-first-collaborative-of-projects-for-press.​pdf (Accessed January 27, 2018).
 
52
Zięba (2017a), p. 51.
 
53
Migration and migrant population … (2017). In total, in the years 2014–2016, 1,424,000 immigrants applied for asylum in Germany.
 
54
Batalla Adam (2017), Collett (2016).
 
55
Kupchan (2010). Also see Jones (2017).
 
56
Grabbe and Lehne (2017). On December 20, 2017 the European Commission undertook measures to defend the independence of the judiciary in Poland. It has concluded that there is a clear risk of a serious breach of the rule of law in Poland. The EC started the infringement procedure under Article 7(1) of the Treaty on European Union. The Commission has also issued a complementary Rule of Law Recommendation, setting out clearly the steps that the Polish authorities can take to remedy the current situation. Should the Polish authorities implement the recommended actions, the Commission is ready, in close consultation with the European Parliament and the Council, to reconsider its proposal. Furthermore, the EC has decided to take the next step in its procedure against Poland for breaches of EU law by the Law on the Ordinary Courts Organization, referring Poland to the Court of Justice of the EU. Whilst taking these unprecedented steps, the Commission has maintained its offer for a constructive dialogue with Polish authorities to remedy the current situation.
 
57
For more, see Modern Populism and Its Effect in Foreign Policy (2017), Luce (2017), Jones (2017‐2018).
 
58
Orestein and Kelemen (2017).
 
59
On December 8, 2017 the EU and UK reached an initial agreement on citizenship rights, the border with Northern Ireland and a divorce bill. It paved the way for the two sides to move onto the next phase of negotiations on the future relationship in the areas of trade, security and defense.
 
60
For more, see Zięba (2016).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The European Union in Crisis
verfasst von
Ryszard Zięba
Copyright-Jahr
2018
Buch
The Euro-Atlantic Security System in the 21st Century

Print ISBN: 978-3-319-79104-3

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-319-79105-0

Copyright-Jahr: 2018

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-79105-0_7