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Migration and Climate Change in Latin America and the Caribbean

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People on the Move in a Changing Climate

Part of the book series: Global Migration Issues ((IOMS,volume 2))

Abstract

This literature overview aims to review the relationship between climate change and migration, with a special focus on Latin America and the Caribbean. After a brief history of the debate raised by the relationship between the environment and migration, we identify the main environmental consequences of climate change. In particular, we address the aspects related to tropical storms and hurricanes, floods, droughts, rising sea levels, and, melting glaciers. The paper then proceeds mainly by historical analogy: a summary of the past consequences for migration of these environmental degradations allows us to identify the most important migration issues related to climate change.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The present chapter builds partly on the observations made in a previous article by the same authors on Central America and South America Kaenzig and Piguet (2011). It includes an updated look at the region and the analysis is extended to include the Caribbean.

  2. 2.

    The generic term “tropical cyclone” includes hurricanes (in the western Atlantic and eastern Pacific), typhoons (in the western Pacific), cyclones (in the southern Pacific and the Indian Ocean), tropical storms, etc. For this chapter, in the particular case of Latin America and the Caribbean, the term “tropical storms and hurricanes” is used.

  3. 3.

    Research on the stakes for migration related to issues of deforestation and of development projects has focused primarily on the area of the Amazon Basin, with case studies on Brazil Capellini et~al. (2011), Rodrigues et~al. (2009), Fearnside (2008), and on Ecuador Barbieri et~al. (2008), Carr (2009). in particular.

  4. 4.

    In an El Niño phase, the surface water temperature in the Pacific Ocean increases considerably, modifying the pressure system and causing major changes in precipitation patterns. The coastlines of South America are particularly exposed to the changes that result from the cycles of El Niño Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (2007).

  5. 5.

    In the Amazon Basin, as well as in Central America, there has been an observable increase in changes to the patterns of the seasons. This is seen most obviously in the later start to the rainy season, which therefore also means a lengthening of the dry seasons Aguilar et~al. (2005), Marengo et~al. (2011).

  6. 6.

    In Latin America and the Caribbean, it has not been possible to establish any long-term tendency in temperature averages. Nevertheless, one can see a significant trend toward warming in certain areas (Amazon Basin and the north-western part of South America) and, in certain rare cases, toward cooling (Chile) Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (2007).

  7. 7.

    www.nhc.noaa.gov/2005atlan.shtml

  8. 8.

    The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is an unincorporated territory of the United States.

  9. 9.

    For a methodological discussion, cf. Piguet (2010).

  10. 10.

    The Emergency Events Database (EM-DAT) is an international catastrophe database used as a classification system (see www.emdat.be/classification). Floods are listed as hydrological catastrophes, cyclones as meteorological catastrophes, droughts as climatological catastrophes and earthquakes as geophysical catastrophes.

  11. 11.

    See www.each-for.eu

  12. 12.

    The study considers floods, cyclones, earthquakes and soil erosion.

  13. 13.

    Earthquakes are not a result of climate warming, but some of the consequences of earthquakes are similar to the consequences of hurricanes and other climate-related catastrophes and some analogies can therefore be drawn with them.

  14. 14.

    Halliday defines agricultural misfortunes as “agricultural conditions that caused livestock loss and/or harvest loss” Halliday (2006).

  15. 15.

    At the end of 2011, half of a million people were still staying in temporary camps. The population that remains in the camps is the most vulnerable. When the camps were established, 60 % of their residents were homeowners (of their previous residence) and 40 % were not. By the end of 2011, the non-homeowners made up 80 % of the population that were still living in the camps (IOM 2012).

  16. 16.

    Capellini et~al. (2011), who are critical of the determinist point of view, point out that drought episodes in north-eastern Brazil are exacerbated, maybe sometimes even caused, by the concentration of property and by the fact that water resources are managed by powerful landowners.

  17. 17.

    It is also worth noting that these same authors developed an original approach for the purpose of estimating the impact of climate change on migration using a comprehensive economic model based on the warming scenarios of IPCC and applied to north-eastern Brazil. Their very interesting findings are, however, still exploratory. They seem to indicate a weak impact of climate change on migration, with, however, an increase in migration beginning in the 2030s. Barbieri et~al. (2010), Barbieri and Confalonieri (2011).

  18. 18.

    Gray refers to these changes as “unusual harvests” (Gray 2009).

  19. 19.

    The study examines two regions in Bolivia: one in the Andes, in the northern zone of the Potosi Department, made up of the provinces of Ibañez, Bustillo, Bilbao, Charcas and Chayanta, and one on lower ground, in the municipality of San Julían, north-east of Santa Cruz, in the Santa Cruz Department. For the purposes of this chapter, the first of these two cases is of particular interest because in the study of the second, the environmental component is only weakly represented.

  20. 20.

    Migrants originally from Latin America and the Caribbean currently make up 53 % of the total foreign-born population of the United States. Mexicans alone make up 30 % of this group (Hanson and McIntosh 2009; IOM 2011; Durand and Massey 2010).

  21. 21.

    In order to explain this inverted relationship, the authors refer to the work of Findley (1994) and her case study on Mali, where she shows that long-distance migration tends to decrease during periods of drought. When experiencing water shortages, the affected households cannot afford the investment required for a long-distance migration because basic needs, such as securing a food supply, must be met first.

  22. 22.

    See especially Vergara (2005), OXFAM (2009) and Ross (2010).

  23. 23.

    One explanation for this large degree of variation has to do with the data sources used; although all of the studies use the same population data, no two use the same data for altitude. According to Farr and Kobrick (2000), determining the areas that are at or below 10 m above sea level is still very difficult, especially in regions with steep coasts.

  24. 24.

    Based on the data given in McGranahan et~al. (2007) and Dasgupta et~al. (2007); in both cases, the result is the same.

  25. 25.

    Based on the data given in McGranahan et~al. (2007).

  26. 26.

    The three States are the Maldives (300,000 inhabitants; maximum altitude of 2 m), Tuvalu (10,000 inhabitants; maximum altitude of 2 m) and the Marshall Islands (63,000 inhabitants; maximum altitude of 6 m). Piguet (2012).

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Kaenzig, R., Piguet, E. (2014). Migration and Climate Change in Latin America and the Caribbean. In: Piguet, E., Laczko, F. (eds) People on the Move in a Changing Climate. Global Migration Issues, vol 2. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6985-4_7

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