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Ideas matter: China’s peaceful rise

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Abstract

Illuminating on the power transition theory, realists are more than convinced of potential structural conflicts in both economic and security realms due to China’s rise. They see China as a dormant source of challenges to American preeminence, economic policies of the west as evident in the recent negotiation discourses (e.g., G-20 and G-8 meetings), the “western” norms of diplomacy (e.g., Washington consensus) in developing countries including in Africa, and security concerns of its neighboring states. However, China will be able to avoid this claimed inevitability by abiding to peaceful ideas deeply embedded in “New Security Concept,” “peaceful rise theory,” “peaceful development” and a “harmonious world” doctrine. This paper argues that China will be able to rise peacefully because of the efficacy of practicing liberalism and constructivism at large in its diplomacy. China is increasingly and genuinely embracing shared norms and institutions, gradually gravitating East Asian regional order to its favor in the form of power constellation.

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Notes

  1. That a state becomes mindful of its military power as a resultant discourse of economic success is a well-known political axiom because of the incrementing needs to better secure and further advance its growing national interest based on expansion (Gilpin 1995). China is no exception, and it is actively pursuing modernization of military, one of the four Chinese modernization goals set at the beginning of reform policy adopted in 1978. Pundits are interested in Chinese military modernization program for their interest in not only learning the intent and purposes of Chinese military capability enhancement efforts but also the political consequences and ramifications. The interrelation of China’s economic development and military enhancement efforts had a peculiar pattern in the first 10 years (1978–1988) of the reform and open-door period. Reform initiatives in the military during this period largely focused on restructuring of Chinese military budget and personnel for the “cost factor” involved in realizing military professionalism and modernization (Wang 1995). In the name of military reforms and concentration on “economic development first,” significant cuts and reductions were made instead. Demobilization, for instance, was initially adopted with a goal to retire half of the total 4.3 million armed forces by 1986. It failed, however, with only 40% opting for retirement at the end of 1986 (Wang 1995). At one point, China’s defense budget in 1981 was “down to 5.4 billion yuan or almost 25% from the 1979 level” (Wang 1995). A further reduction was witnessed in 1985 when China’s military expenditure represented about 10.5% of total national expenditures, dropping from 14% in 1983. After 1989, military budget was soon recovered, ironically, with the end of the cold war. Military budget has, thereafter and to date, consistently recorded a double-digit growth. Moreover, reduced manpower was to be replaced by more sophisticated and advanced high-tech weaponry systems and weapons. Beijing claims that the intention and purpose of such an increase in military spending are to improve already-backward Chinese military welfare system. On the contrary, foreign pundits would disagree with their observation on Chinese military procurement program as it has been aggressive with purchasing weaponries conducive to the service of greater forward deployment strategies that are presumed to be beneficial to the protection of Chinese national interests. A great analytical work on the interrelation of Chinese economic development and military modernization efforts is available by Feigenbaum. In his work, he does an excellent job in relating China’s interests in securing overseas energy resources for sustainable economic reasons of China to the promotion of Chinese military modernization goal (Feigenbaum 1999). Hence, the concerns on the interrelation of China’s economic success and military modernization aspiration are shared by a growing cohort of China threat theorists.

  2. Here, East Asia denotes ASEAN+3 states, namely ten Southeast Asian states and the three Northeast Asian states China, Japan, and South Korea.

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Acknowledgment

The author is grateful to anonymous reviewers, and Brigid Gavin, Zheng Yongnian, Tang Shiping, Renato Cruz De Castro, Yong Nam Cho, and Jae Ho Chung for their helpful and constructive comments and suggestions.

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  1. Kyung Hee University, 1 Seocheon-dong, Kiheung-gu, Yongin, Gyeonggi-do, South Korea

    Jaewoo Choo

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Choo, J. Ideas matter: China’s peaceful rise. Asia Eur J 7, 389–404 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10308-009-0241-3

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