Abstract
Corruption is a serious and enduring problem in Turkey. As such, a series of sustained and synchronized actions are needed to promote integrity, and to prevent and punish corrupt practices in public life. In most recent years, subsequent cabinets have promulgated a set of laws, regulations, and measures in the name of fighting against corruption. Yet, building a clean government remains as a daunting, if not insurmountable, task for policy makers and the public at large in Turkey. The current paper begins with a brief introduction, summarizing the need for new, more effective anti-corruption policies and practices in the country. Then, it succinctly describes and assesses the main ‘pillars’ of the ‘national integrity system.’ The paper moves on to identify and evaluate the chief ‘perils,’ challenges and risks associated with efforts aiming to contribute to integrity, transparency and accountability in Turkish society. Finally, the paper discusses the ‘prospects’ for building a clean government in Turkey in the near future. Among the issues brought to the present debate are: the need for a credible commitment by the ruling elites for establishing a well-functioning integrity regime; effective coordination and collaboration among a wide range of institutional actors; developing a set of coherent principles and policies; and creating capacity to prevent, prosecute, and punish corrupt behaviors. It is also argued that building a clean government in Turkey requires a strong and sustainable coalition among the clean, the competent, and the competitive.
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Notes
See, for instance, Transparency International Corruption Perception Indexes, International Institute for Management Development Competitiveness Yearbooks, and European Commission’s Regular Progress Reports for Turkey.
See, for example, 8th and 9th Five Year Development Plans, Council of Ministers Decree on Increasing Transparency in Turkey and Enhancing Good Governance in Public Sector – Action Plan (2002/3 – Jan 12, 2002), and TGNA [47].
International Institute for Management Development located in Switzerland conducts annual “bribing and corruption” surveys to gather input for its competitiveness index since 1989. A joint study prepared by World Bank Institute and Research Department of World Bank every other year since 1994 has a perception index on control of corruption as part of its governance indicators measuring quality of governance. The findings from these studies related to corruption perception in Turkey are, by and large, similar to CPIs prepared by TI.
See, ibid., for appropriately crediting the original source.
We must state clearly at the outset that space constraints preclude an exhaustive discussion in this article of the literature on both corruption and anti-corruption in general, and in Turkey in specific. For the interested reader, a growing number of on-line and in-print sources are available to consult with. In addition to the those cited in the current paper, also see, for instance, Aidt [4], Arvind [5], Bağdigen and Beşkaya [7], Global Integrity [21], and TI [43, 44]; and the books reviewed and recommended by Quah [32], and Baimyrzaeva [8]. Furthermore, we are aware of the fact that building a clear government entails more than efforts aiming to investigate and punish corruption (For more on this, see, Kaufmann [24], especially his treatment of myth no. 6, ‘fight corruption by fighting corruption’ on p. 88). Nevertheless, it is neither feasible nor desirable to claim covering each and every dimension of the issue in a single article, not to mention the challenges stemming from the diversity of meanings behind such general terms as ‘clean government’ and ‘corruption.’ Only after having said this that we can turn to key elements of public integrity system in Turkey, focusing especially on the most recent developments in legal-institutional framework available in the country for fighting against corruption.
See, for example, Sampford et al. [36], where the network metaphor is used to visualize and analyze the system as more complex and interconnected. More to the point, Sampford [35] provides useful information on “the different terms used for essentially the same idea,” including ‘ethics regime,’ ‘ethics infrastructure,’ ‘integrity system,’ ‘national integrity system,’ and ‘integrity regime.’
Prime Ministry Press Center’s News: “Prime Minister: if all immunities will be lifted, we are ready” Retrieved June 1, 2007 from http://www.bbm.gov.tr/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=1405.
9th Five Year Development Plan informs that the size of the informal economy in Turkey is quite high compared to those of developed economies and its increasing size results in harming the social values (pp. 30–31).
A recent report on ‘Enhancing Transparency & Good Governance in Turkey’s Public Sector’ prepared for PMIB with the support from WB identifies major problems of inspection system as follows: lack of independence of inspectors; differences in responsibilities; lack of priority setting; formalistic approach to control; incapability to follow recent developments in the fraud and corruption detecting (See for details, SIGMA [38]: 27–28).
The judgment of the Court is still pending at the time of writing of this paper.
Another consequence of such publicity that usually goes unnoticed is that it creates a climate in which the focus is frequently on the persons involved in those cases, rather than policies or procedures that might have contributed to vulnerability of the situation for corruption. This, in turn, creates a sense of ‘the culprits are in the hands of enforcement agencies,’ and thus ‘the problem is solved and the justice is served’ type of feeling that eventually hinders a thorough investigation and analysis of the cases involved.
At this point we would like to share with the readers a story attributed to Nasreddin Hodja, a populist philosopher and satirical Sufi visionary who lived during the thirteenth century in Turkey. A neighbor found Nasreddin Hodja down on his knees looking for something on the ground outside his house.“What are you looking for?” asked the neighbor.“I'm looking for my key,” said Nasreddin.The neighbor got down on his knees and began searching with him. After a while, he asked Hodja”Where exactly did you drop it?”“In my house,” said Hodja.“Then, why are you looking for it here?” the man asked.“There is more light here,” replied Hodja.The moral of the story is such that the key to issues associated with building a clean government in Turkey lies within it, “at home.” Frequently, we look for solutions where “there is more light,” in the outside, instead of looking inside. Yet, if we are to find solutions to the problems confronting us, we must also look to the area from which they have sprung – our perspectives, perceptions, policies, and practices (cf. [34]: 30).
The criticisms range from ‘they don’t know the peculiarities of the context’ to ‘they are trying to undermine the power and legitimacy of the Turkish central government’. It is in such a climate that ‘hidden intentions and agendas’ of the reformers, as well as of international and domestic actors supporting them are also be subjected to a permanent questioning. For discussions regarding the role of internal versus external dynamics of anti-corruption activities in Turkey, see, Michael [28], SIGMA [38].
According to Emek ([13]: 111), governments in Turkey have endlessly changed the laws and rules, or re-interpreted them in ways that were most favorable to, and in agreement with, their own policies and pursuits. Examples of this ‘tradition of uncertainty’ include the following: The National Protection Law was amended 12 times during its lifetime of 17 years. Over the same period, 1,135 coordination decisions were made concerning the implementation of this law. The law was used on average 84 times a year before 1980 but subsequently the figure rose to 2,233 per annum. A total of 16 tax legislations were amended 69 times between the years 1984 and 1989. The result has been the increased uncertainty for the actors involved, which has inevitably come to mean an increased vulnerability for corruption surrounding the government decisions and decrees.
It can be argued that any one of those three groups might have the ambition to be clean, competent, and competitive at the same time, and they have the reason to do so. However, our argument is based on the notion that it is relatively easier to associate each group with an overarching quality, as described here. As long as collusion between three groups is costless, they seek ways to improperly collude for private gains via public resources. However, if collusion between these agents are difficult and the cost of corruption outweighs its benefits, due to improved transparency, and increasing voices of citizens, efficient detection and effective punishment etc. they will cooperate and form a coalition for a clean government, not for corruption.
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Acar, M., Emek, U. Building a clean government in Turkey: pillars, perils, and prospects. Crime Law Soc Change 49, 185–203 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-007-9094-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-007-9094-0