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Police governance and accountability: overview of current issues

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Notes

  1. Most noticeable in the policing of narcotics, gangs, terrorism, sexual violence and young offenders. See, for example, [149].

  2. Terms such as: ‘police service’, users/clients, performance indicators and league tables are now standard. See [34, 84, 104, 202, 240, 243, 255].

  3. Both professional standards units and internal affairs units have become commonplace in efforts to combat police corruption. They can be found across police forces in most western liberal democracies. See, for example, [75; ch.8, 180, 257, 260].

  4. For essays on accountability in criminal justice generally, and policing in particular, see [228]. For a wider perspective, see [64].

  5. Lawrence Lustgarten’s seminal text The Governance of the Police in 1986 appears to be the first to use the term prominently in the policing context. It now features much more regularly. See, for example [30, 68, 72, 73, 112, 117, 120, 125, 139, 163, 203].

  6. It has been argued that this occurred in England and Wales during the 1980s, particularly with the policing of the miners’ strikes when it was alleged that the police were heavily politicised; see [207, 236, 237] and, more generally, [32]. For consideration of similar issues elsewhere, see [168, 239].

  7. For discussion of the challenges facing the establishment of the liberal democratic model in a range of developing countries, see [102].

  8. A topical example is the British government’s policy on the retention of DNA profiles on its database of all persons suspected of crime, in the name of enhancing the capacity of the police to fight crime. Its approach was found by the European Court of Human Rights to be in breach of the Convention right to privacy in S and Marper v. UK 30562/04 and 30566/04 (4th December 2008). Also worth noting are the British anti-terrorist police powers of stop and search which the European Court of Human Rights also found to be in breach of the Convention right to privacy as they were too broad and indiscriminate in nature; see Gillan v United Kingdom 4158/05 (12th January 2010).

  9. For a discussion of this debate in the Irish context where law and order politics have prevailed in the context of growing concerns over so-called gangland crime, see [51, 95, 151].

  10. The major examples in recent years have concerned: the false confession cases of the Birmingham Six, Guildford Four and Maguire Seven; the corrupt activities of the West-Midland Serious Crime Squad, racism in the Stephen Lawrence murder investigation by the London Metropolitan Police; and the fatal shooting of Jean Charles de Menezes by a firearms unit of the London Metropolitan Police. See, generally [183; ch.5].

  11. Police in France have been the subject of serious claims of abuse and violence, with Amnesty International expressing concern, in particular, over the treatment of ethnic minorities in the country. See http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/report/police-abuse-goes-unchecked-france-20090402 accessed on 11 May 2010.

  12. New York has seen the Knapp Commission in the 1970s and the Mollen Commission in the 1990s. Drug corruption has been found in Cleveland, New Jersey, Texas and Detroit. In the late 1990s the Rampart scandal in LA centred on its anti-gang unit. See also [183: ch.3; 221].

  13. Western Australia appointed a Royal Commission in 2002 to investigate the death of a youth in custody. In the mid-1990s New South Wales was hit by a corruption scandal which resulted in the establishment of the Wood Commission.

  14. The cyclical nature of police corruption has been documented; see [166, 184].

  15. Ireland, for example, has seen a doubling of complaint numbers since the establishment of its police Ombudsman Commission in 2007. England and Wales has reported similar increases since the creation of the Independent Police Complaints Commission

  16. The difficulties posed for policing by modern and post-modern society are well documented [13, 21, 159, 185].

  17. The body of scholarly work on this topic is particularly large but some key readings can be identified [16, 85, 89, 105, 134, 144, 149, 224, 225, 256, 257].

  18. Chan has outlined in detail the need for police reform to be on ongoing process [44]. McLaughlin and Johansen have suggested that in the light of the failures of traditional mechanisms, it may be worth considering the use of restorative justice practices in the resolution of complaints against the police [160].

  19. This often arises in relation to the policing of ethnic minorities in a country, the policing of young people, or in some conflict societies, such as Northern Ireland, the disproportionate policing of one religious sector of the community [26, 27, 41, 43, 96, 148, 165].

  20. Much stock is placed in the ability of Tribunals to unearth the truth and expose wrongdoing through independent means. See [33, 135, 250].

  21. The Morris Tribunal in Ireland acknowledged that one of the precipitating factors in the establishment of the tribunal was the inability of the existing complaints mechanism to deal with the scale and nature of the abuses which were occurring [194].

  22. See, for example, [24].

  23. For an account of reliance on the traditional internal disciplinary model in American police forces, see [18; pp.500–509].

  24. W.A. Kerstetter classified the options as civilian review, civilian input and civilian monitor [128]. A. Goldsmith identifies a broad range of categories including: traditional (internally dealt with), civilian in-house, civilian external supervision, civilian external investigation, civilian external investigatory/adjudicative and police investigatory on behalf of civilian external agency [85].

  25. The Office of the Police Ombudsman in Northern Ireland conducts all investigations itself [76].

  26. The Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission could potentially handle all investigations itself, but a large number are being ‘leased back’ to the police to conduct the investigations. The Commission can choose whether or not to supervise such investigations [50, 253].

  27. It should be noted that the European Court of Human Rights has ruled that where Convention rights have been breached it would also be a breach of the right to an effective remedy not to hold an independent investigation: Govell v. UK [1998] EHRLR 101.

  28. This is the case in countries such as: Austria, Denmark, Finland, Sweden, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania and the Netherlands.

  29. See C. Foote [80]. While it may be dated in terms of when it was published many of the critical observations are still very pertinent today.

  30. These helped instil the principle of policing by consent in the foundation of organised police forces in Britain. They were adopted in similar terms by the early Commissioners of Ireland’s Garda Síochána when it was first established in 1922; see [29; pp.80–81 and 117].

  31. The Rules were also adopted in Ireland and Australia, but have since been replaced in the United Kingdom by the Codes in the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 and related legislation.

  32. 384 US 436 (1966). See [77]. For a comparator of these two systems, see [122].

  33. The Code provides an outline of the role of the police, their basis in the rule of law and guidelines on their organisation and structure, on police action and intervention, on accountability and control of the police and on research and international cooperation.

  34. Many police forces now specifically employ human rights officers for the purpose of developing these codes and training new recruits and officers on their content and importance. The Police Service of Northern Ireland has, for example, a page on its website dedicated to human rights and on which they have published the Human Rights Plan of Action for each year from 2006 to 2010 http://www.psni.police.uk/index/about-us/human_rights.htm accessed on 12 May 2010.

  35. The UK Courts have clearly stated that the purpose of the exclusionary rule is specifically to protect the rights of the accused, not to punish police officers or deter the use of unlawful methods. See [124].

  36. Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabularies continues to conduct independent inspections of all police forces and policing activities in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. They also chair the Police Performance Steering Group. A separate Inspectorate of Constabularies exists in Scotland. Northern Ireland is further subjected to inspections by Criminal Justice Inspection Northern Ireland.

  37. Inevitably these can vary from society to society. The focus in these essays is on western style liberal democracies. For a comparative selection of different models of policing across the world, see [156, 157].

  38. For discussion of the sources, characteristics and tensions at the heart of these conflicting police roles, see [159]. More generally, see [25, 36; pp. 69–82].

  39. This was highlighted as particularly important by the Patten Commission; see [107].

  40. In Ireland, the reports of the Morris Tribunal of Inquiry into police corruption offer a rich resource of materials on the negative impact of internal police culture on the maintenance of discipline; see [49, 194].

  41. [2010] IESC 1.

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  1. University of Limerick, Limerick, Ireland

    Dermot P. J. Walsh

  2. Queen’s University of Belfast, Belfast, Northern Ireland

    Vicky Conway

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Walsh, D.P.J., Conway, V. Police governance and accountability: overview of current issues. Crime Law Soc Change 55, 61–86 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-011-9269-6

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