Abstract
This paper examines the reasons for the variable incidence and differing forms of historical sociology in several different historical periods, with a focus on Germany and the USA. It examines the flows of social scientists between those two countries due to forced exile from Nazi Germany, the American military occupation after 1945, and the voluntary exchange of scholars. The article focuses on extrascientific determinants such as political support for historical scholarship and macrosocial crisis or stability, as well as determinants that are more proximate or internal to the scientific field, such as the ongoing struggle between different epistemologies and the ability of historical sociology to sequester itself into a protected subfield. Historical sociology was one of the two poles of German sociology before 1933, whereas historical sociology had only a handful of proponents in the USA at that time. After 1933, the majority of German historical sociologists went into exile, most of them to the USA. For reasons explored here, the historical orientation of these exiled intellectuals had little resonance in the USA until the 1970s. Rather than being epistemologically “domesticated” in the 1980s, as Calhoun (1996) argued, historical sociology established itself as a subfield that is large enough to produce an internal polarization between an autonomous pole that relates mainly to history and other external allies and a heteronomous pole that mimics the protocols that dominate the sociological discipline as a whole, including a neopositivist epistemology of “covering laws” and at attraction to rational choice theory and quantitative methods, or qualitative simulacra of multivariate statistical analysis. In Germany, historical sociology failed to survive the Nazi period. Several leading Weimar-era historical sociologists stayed in Germany after 1933 but were unable to reestablish their prominence either because of their Nazi collaboration or because their work was dismissed by a new generation trained during the Nazi period for presentist, policy-oriented, “American-style”, or else trained in the USA after the war. The handful of exiled historical sociologists who returned to Germany after 1945 were marginalized, stopped working historically, or moved into other disciplines like Political Science. The explanation of these trends has to be multicausal and conjunctural. The influx of historical sociologists to the USA from Germany was unable to produce a historicization of the discipline until 1970s, when positivist hegemony was challenged for other reasons. The crisis of Fordism undermined the social regularities that had made positivist “constant conjunctions” seem plausible and at the same time rendered historicist ontologies more plausible. The neo-Marxist historical sociology gave rise to a neo-institutionalist counter-trend, which was itself eventually countered by a culturalist and conjuncturalist turn (Adams et al. 2005). In Germany, however, the society-wide destabilization of Fordism did not lead to a historicization of sociology. The extinguishing of the Weimar-era historical school in sociology meant that only high theory and “American-style” empirical social research remained as vital options. As a result, the crisis of Fordism and the ensuing social discontinuities and complexities did not give rise to historical sociology but were felt mainly within theory (e.g., the “risk society” theory of Ulrich Beck).
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Notes
On the early historical section see the memo entitled “Committee on Sociological History. A Committee of Social Scientists and Historians,” April 9, 1980, which lists Cahnman as one of four “Former Chairmen.” Werner Cahnman papers, Leo Baeck Institute. Folder 2/55 (“General-Chronological,” 1913–1980).
In the subfield of political theory within American political science, for example, the prevailing views of “value-freedom” and normativity and of the hierarchy of empirical and theoretical work are directly opposite the dominant views of the same matters within the discipline as a whole. The creation of a subfield may protect a rare plant like poetry, political theory, or historical sociology, but it may also immunize the rest of the field against the subfield’s heterodox messages (Mihic et al. 2005).
Kiser and Hechter’s (1991) call for general laws echoes a widely read treatment of American sociology from the 1950s which argues that “at no time during the development of sociology has the existence of a system of fundamental, natural laws which govern the behavior of men been seriously questioned” (Hinkle and Hinke 1954, p. 9).
The GSA stopped operations between 1934 and 1946. Sociology lost almost all autonomy during the Nazi era; the entire sociological discipline was distrusted as repressed as left-leaning and heavily Jewish (but see footnote 14). Most of the sociologists who continued working in Nazi Germany oriented themselves toward official policy agendas, published in Nazi journals, and subordinated their discipline to “interdisciplinary” projects. For example, the ethnosociologists Richard Thurnwald and Wilhelm Mühlmann increasingly aligned their scientific agendas and conceptual vocabulary with Nazi ideology in the late 1930s, designing policies of compulsory assimilation, forced labor, and national socialist colonial rule (Steinmetz forthcoming).
Survey of Baccalaureate and Graduate Programs in Sociology, 2000–2001, conducted by the American Sociological Association.
See “DGS—Gesamterhebung, Soziologie an deutschen Hochschulen”, at http://www.soziologie.de/.
Von Schelting published his Habilitation thesis as Max Webers Wissenschaftslehre (Max Weber’s Theory of Science) in 1934 and worked on the translation of the first part of Weber’s Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft with Edward Shils, Talcott Parsons, and A.M. Henderson, which appeared in 1947 as The Theory of Social and Economic Organization.
W. Cahnman papers, Leo Baeck Institute, New York City.
According to the recollections of Craig Calhoun, Theda Skocpol talked him into running for secretary of the comparative-historical section in 1981 against a candidate associated with the interpretivist, neo-historicist Weberian camp (Stephen Kalberg). Calhoun recalls that opposition was also motivated by a perception of the Cahnman group as hostile to Marxism. (Personal communication to the author from Craig Calhoun).
For a wonderful treatment of this fraught relationship between these two isolated men, see the forthcoming biography of Mills by John H. Summers, who presented a paper at the Eastern sociological association meetings in Baltimore on March 20, 2009. Gerth left behind some 2,000 pages of unpublished manuscripts (Bensman et al. 1982, p. xi).
For example, the notion of the Geisteswissenschaften as distinct from the natural sciences, anathema to American social science positivists, was developed by the neo-Kantian Wilhelm Windelband. Heidegger staked out an even less positivist position, one that was hostile to the very idea of a social science. As Bourdieu notes, in Heidegger, “there is a hatred of statistics (harping on the theme of the ‘average’) seen as a symbol of all the operations of ‘levelling down’ which threaten the person (here called Dasein) and its most precious attributes, its ‘originality’ and ‘privacy’” (Bourdieu 1991, p. 79).
See the comments by Peter Coulmas in Klingemann (1988), however, which suggest that Walther did not completely abandon his historical orientation during the Nazi period.
About half of the historical sociologists listed in Table 1 were Jewish. This does not mean, however, that historical sociology was associated mainly with Jewish sociologists. Some leading figures such as Werner Cahnman, Norbert Elias, Siegfried Landshut, Karl Mannheim, Albert Salomon, and Franz Oppenheimer were Jewish, but Max and Alfred Weber, Hans Freyer, Hans Gerth, Carl Mayer, Hans Speier, and Paul Honigsheim were not.
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Steinmetz, G. Ideas in Exile: Refugees from Nazi Germany and the Failure to Transplant Historical Sociology into the United States. Int J Polit Cult Soc 23, 1–27 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-009-9062-z
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-009-9062-z