Abstract
Recent studies have shown that crime is concentrated at micro level units of geography defined as hot spots. Despite this growing evidence of the concentration of crime at place, studies to date have dealt primarily with adult crime or have failed to distinguish between adult and juvenile offenses. In this paper, we identify crime incidents in which a juvenile was arrested at street segments in Seattle, Washington, over a 14-year period, to assess the extent to which officially recorded juvenile crime is concentrated at hot spots. Using group-based trajectory analysis, we also assess the stability and variability of crime at street segments over the period of the study. Our findings suggest that officially recorded juvenile crime is strongly concentrated. Indeed, just 86 street segments in Seattle include one-third of crime incidents in which a juvenile was arrested during the study period. While we do observe variability over time in trajectories identified in the study, we also find that high rate juvenile crime street segments remain relatively stable across the 14 years examined. Finally, confirming the importance of routine activity theory in understanding the concentration of juvenile crime in hot spots, we find a strong connection between high rate trajectory groups and places likely to be a part of juvenile activity spaces. Though place-based crime prevention has not been a major focus of delinquency prevention, our work suggests that it may be an area with great promise.
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Notes
It is important to note that portraits of the concentration of crime at place might be altered if larger geographic units were examined. This is often referred to as the ‘the modifiable areal unit problem' (Unwin 1996). However, the MAUP problem in studies of micro places is considerably lessened because the unit of aggregation is still extremely small and such studies generally use theoretically-driven units of analysis rather than ones of convenience. Street blocks for example, are much smaller than neighborhoods, census tracts or cities and thus have minimal aggregation bias. While some researchers have experimented with the use of grid cells to minimize the MAUP (Hirschfield et al. 1997), we believe that the use of a theoretically driven micro unit of analysis is a more defensible strategy. As we note below regarding our own approach, following Taylor (1997, 1998), we use street 100 blocks to represent ‘behavior settings’ and thus provide a theoretical basis for our choice of aggregation unit.
Several studies have examined the concentration and stability of officially recorded crime in communities over time (Griffiths and Chavez 2004; Schmid 1960b). Additionally, several studies within the communities and crime literature have documented the concentration of self-reported crime within certain communities (Sampson and Groves 1989; Sampson et al. 1997). These studies have examined crime more generally, and have not disaggregated juvenile crime from adult crime.
Normally, a street segment in Seattle is delimited in multiples of 100. For example, addresses from 100 to 199 Main Street would most likely occur on one street segment, between two intersections or other divisions. Following this, the database supporting the Seattle street map was used to develop “100 blocks” for each city street in Seattle. For example, if the base map listed a street as spanning house numbers 1 through 399, we created four segments from this range: 1–99, 100–199, 200–299, and 300–399. See Weisburd et al. (2004) for further discussion of the geo-coding process.
The use of a street segment rather than an area (i.e., neighborhood, census tract, block group, zip code, etc.) also avoids the myriad of difficult coding issues that have been identified when trying to define perceptually-based geographic units such as a neighborhood (See Sampson et al. 2002; Suttles 1972).
We want to remind the reader that our data refer only to crime at street segments and not crime at intersections. Of the 2,028,917 crime records initially obtained from the city from 1989 to 2002, 19% were linked to an intersection. Our decision to exclude these events was primarily technical. Intersections could not be assigned to any specific street segment because they were generally part of four different ones. However, it is also the case that incident reports at intersections differed dramatically from those at street segments. Traffic-related incidents, which are unlikely to involve juveniles, accounted for only 4.5% of reports at street segments, but for 44% of reports at intersections. Because we linked arrest data only to a street segment data base, we can not directly assess the number of juvenile arrest incidents that were dropped because of the exclusion of intersections. In a recent study by Braga et al. (1980–2008, Unpublished Manuscript) which compared shooting incidents using three different units of analysis (intersections, street segments, and both intersections and street segments) they found consistent overall results regardless of unit of analysis.
We recognize that we could have used other statistical techniques such as hierarchical linear modeling (Bryk and Raudenbush 1987, 1992; Goldstein 1995), growth mixture modeling and nonparametric growth mixture modeling (Kreuter and Muthen 2008; Meredith and Tisak 1990; Muthen 1989) to identify developmental processes in our data. However, we thought that the trajectory approach was most fit to our interest in identifying specific crime patterns for street segments over time and visually displaying those patterns. While the interpretations drawn from the trajectory approach regarding whether groups are “real” have recently been criticized by some criminologists (e.g., see Eggleston et al. 2004; Sampson and Laub 2005), even its critics argue for the “scientific value of description and pattern recognition” (Sampson and Laub 2005: 911) that the trajectory approach offers. And indeed, this is precisely our interest in the use of trajectory analysis in this paper.
We also used the zero-inflated Poisson model to accommodate over-dispersion and results are substantively similar to those generated by the non-inflated Poisson model. Given that the non-inflated model is more parsimonious, we report results from the Poisson model.
A comparison of the Bayesian information criterion (BIC) across models is also useful for determining which models fit the best given the data. The BIC is useful for determining the optimal number of trajectory groups and is expressed in the following form:
$$ {\text{BIC}} = { \log }\left( L \right) - 0. 5 \times { \log }\left( n \right) \times \left( k \right) $$where “L” is the value of the model’s maximized likelihood, “n” is the sample size, and “k” is the number of parameters (specifically groups). One very important benefit of the BIC is that it institutes a penalty for increasing the number of groups in the model. Expansion of the model by adding more groups is only desirable if the resulting improvement in the log likelihood exceeds the penalty for more parameters (Nagin 2005).
For example, the odds of correct classification (OCC) estimates for all the trajectory groups are equal to or greater than 5.00, indicating that the model has high assessment accuracy. The odds of correct classification are a function of both the probability and posterior probability. Additionally, assignment accuracy is high when both the estimated group probabilities and the proportion of the sample assigned to the group on the basis of the maximum posterior probability rule are equivalent or correspond highly with each other.
One intriguing question regarding this concentration of crime in juvenile crime hot spots is whether such places are spatially dependent. In another paper using these data, Groff, Weisburd and Morris (2009) have examined the spatial patterns of trajectory group members using a variety of local geographic measures. Overall, they found tremendous street segment to street segment variation in temporal patterns of juvenile crime.
We constructed a 95% confidence interval around the average point estimate in 2002 for trajectory groups 6 (95% CI: 1.08–1.55) and 8 (95% CI: 5.94–7.09) to ensure that their respective end points did not overlap and were indeed significantly different. Confidence intervals indicated that each point estimate was distinct.
We use the Poisson distribution to approximate the expected number of streets with exactly × incidents for both studies.
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Acknowledgments
This research was supported via subcontract by grant 2001-JN-JX-K001 from the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (US Department of Justice) to the Jerry Lee Center of Criminology, University of Pennsylvania. Points of view in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the US Department of Justice. We would like to thank John Eck, Josh Hinkle, Chris Koper, Cynthia Lum, Lorraine Mazerolle, Daniel Nagin, Alex Piquero, Jeff Roth, Cody Telep and Sue-Ming Yang for their thoughtful suggestions on earlier drafts of this manuscript. We want to express our gratitude for the cooperation of the Seattle Police Department, and especially to Chief Gil Kerlikowske for his interest and support of our work.
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Weisburd, D., Morris, N.A. & Groff, E.R. Hot Spots of Juvenile Crime: A Longitudinal Study of Arrest Incidents at Street Segments in Seattle, Washington. J Quant Criminol 25, 443–467 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10940-009-9075-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10940-009-9075-9