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Erschienen in: Political Behavior 1/2008

01.03.2008 | Original Paper

Direction Versus Proximity in the Social Influence Process

verfasst von: Christopher Kenny, Eric Jenner

Erschienen in: Political Behavior | Ausgabe 1/2008

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Abstract

Rabinowitz and Macdonald (Am Polit Sci Rev 83(1):93–121, 1989) have advanced a directional theory of electoral choice that stands as an alternative to the proximity models that have dominated thinking in this area for a number of years. In this paper, we assess the utility of directional theory in another area of political behavior: the evaluation and influence of politically significant others in an individual’s social environment. Using two datasets collected during presidential election campaigns in 1984 and 1996, we find that respondents are more likely to evaluate their political discussants highly and be influenced by discussant vote choice if they agree in a directional rather than proximity manner. In looking at agreement on party identification, ideology, and issue positions, the directional model prevailed in 11 of 17 estimations, with neither explanation acquiring empirical support in the other six. In no instance did the proximity model prevail as an explanation of how political discussants relate to each other. We conclude by discussing the consequences of these results for political behavior and practical electoral politics.

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Fußnoten
1
Huckfeldt and Sprague (1991) had previously found that frequency of discussion and perceived knowledge of the discussant did not enhance the degree of influence. They used a cross sectional specification of the dependent variable in their estimations rather than the dynamic measure used by Kenny (1998). They also concede that among spouses and relatives we would expect to see higher levels of cohesion.
 
2
See also Merrill and Grofman (1997) for an example of a unified model that incorporates proximity, directional, and intensity components.
 
3
In accordance with Lewis and King (1999) we use the term “neutral point” to refer to the middle position in each of our respective scales. In the ideology and party identification scales the neutral point is mid-way on seven-point scales. In the issue positions, the neutral point is mid way on a five-point scale. In every scale, the neutral point is defined as zero. Note also that we exclude penalties for discussants that fall outside a region of acceptability, as would otherwise be necessary under directional theory.
 
4
The South Bend data do not contain a barrage of issue position questions, so constructing a scale similar to that used by Rabinowitz and Macdonald (1989) is not possible.
 
5
Unfortunately, the Indianapolis/St. Louis data contain an experimental manipulation of the perception of the discussant’s vote choice variable, so an estimation of that equation is conducted for the South Bend data only.
 
6
For the control variables we chose to include the actual discussant and respondent characteristics rather than measures of similarity (same race, same gender, etc.) because of the difficulty in determining what constitutes similarity for many of the variables. How close in age must the respondent and discussant be before we consider them similar, for example? Including reasonable measures of similarity instead of actual discussant and respondent characteristics does not change the results reported in this paper.
 
7
It could be argued that the key independent variables should be included in the model together, at least the issues and ideology measures. When this is done where possible (Tables 1b and 2b), the substantive results remain largely the same. The one difference is a change in the t-statistic of the directional ideology coefficient in Table 2b from just over 2 to 1.5.
 
8
Although these models are estimated by logit rather than a least squares procedure, we follow the 2SLS procedure of regressing the dependent variables on all exogenous variables in the system in order to maximize the explanatory power of our first stage estimates. If the first stage instrument for discussant vote is obtained by regressing discussant vote on just the discussant attributes, the substantive results remain exactly the same.
 
9
Note that the dummy variable specification of the directional variable measures whether the two discussants are on the same side of the scale (direction), but not how strongly they are on the same side (intensity). We chose this specification because of it is easier to interpret and it captures the essential part of the argument we are making; that it’s being on the same side that matters most, not how close discussant views are to each other. The percentage distributions of these dummy variables are shown below.
 
1984 South Bend
1996 St. Louis/Indianapolis
1
0
1
0
Directional
35.1
64.9
33.4
66.6
Proximity
44.8
55.2
42.3
57.7
 
10
The spouse variable was not included in these tables because it only makes sense to include it as an interaction with vote choice, which complicates the interpretation of the coefficients of interest. If the models are estimated in the subset of non-spousal discussion pairs, all substantive results remain the same. The only differences are a slight decrease in significance for the ideology directional/vote interaction (p < .08) and the abortion directional/vote interaction (p < .06) in the St. Louis/Indianapolis dataset.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Direction Versus Proximity in the Social Influence Process
verfasst von
Christopher Kenny
Eric Jenner
Publikationsdatum
01.03.2008
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Political Behavior / Ausgabe 1/2008
Print ISSN: 0190-9320
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-6687
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-007-9043-8

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