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Erschienen in: Public Choice 3-4/2017

13.03.2017

Political selection under alternative electoral rules

verfasst von: Vincenzo Galasso, Tommaso Nannicini

Erschienen in: Public Choice | Ausgabe 3-4/2017

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Abstract

We study the patterns of political selection in majoritarian versus proportional systems. Political parties face a trade off in choosing the mix of high- and low-quality candidates: high-quality candidates are valuable to voters, and thus help to win elections, but they crowd out loyal candidates, who are most preferred by the parties. Under proportional representation, politicians’ selection depends on the share of swing voters in the entire electorate. In majoritarian elections, it depends also on the distribution of competitive versus safe (single-member) districts. We show that a majoritarian system with only a few competitive districts is less capable of selecting good politicians than a proportional system. As the share of competitive districts increases, the majoritarian system becomes more efficient than the proportional system. However, for a large enough share of competitive districts, a non-monotonic relation arises: the marginal (positive) effect of adding high-quality politicians on the probability of winning the election is reduced, and highly competitive majoritarian systems become less efficient than proportional ones in selecting good politicians.

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Fußnoten
1
Throughout the paper, we follow the political science literature in using the term valence for competence of politicians.
 
2
Low-quality politicians are more likely to be loyal to their party as they have a low value also in the labor market, and thus fewer outside options.
 
3
On the mechanisms explaining political selection, also see Kotakorpi and Poutvaara (2011), Mattozzi and Merlo (2008, 2015), Caselli and Morelli (2004), and Gagliarducci and Nannicini (2013).
 
4
The drawback of this within-country analysis is that, while the theoretical model introduced in Sect. 3 examines and compares two separate electoral systems, this empirical evidence refers instead to a mixed system election, in which voters actually face elements of both systems.
 
5
Specifically, we regress preelection income on sex, age, education, and job dummies, and use the OLS residuals as our fourth quality measure.
 
6
No such measure is calculated for the proportional tier, which is defined at national level, as in the model at Sect. 3.
 
7
Only administrative experience always is higher for majoritarian politicians, owing to the fact that the small geographical magnitude of majoritarian districts favors local candidates in both safe and contestable districts.
 
8
This distinction is meant to capture the idea that high-valence politicians—the experts—have better outside options than the low quality ones, and therefore can exert effort to be more independent in their policy decisions, and less loyal to their party positions.
 
9
By assuming the share of experts to be less than one, we ensure that winning always provides a higher utility than losing the elections.
 
10
The theoretical framework in Galasso and Nannicini (2011) considers only the latter political instrument.
 
11
This simultaneous allocation decision by the two parties resemble the Colonel Blotto game, in which two colonels fight a war over a number of battlefields, and have to decide how to allocate their troops to the different battlefields. Our allocation game has two peculiar features. First, it entails a binary allocation choice, since either a high- or low-valence candidate is allocated to a district. Second, our battlefields—i.e., the electoral districts—vary ex-ante in their political contestability, as measured by \(\lambda _{k}\).
 
12
Suppose that party D is deciding whether to select and allocate one more expert, given an initial situation in which \(\mu _{D}=\mu _{R}<\eta /2\). From case IV of Proposition 3, the marginal increase in Party D’s probability of winning the election is equal to \(1-\rho +\frac{1-\lambda ^{I} }{\lambda ^{I}}\), which clearly is decreasing in \(\lambda ^{I}\).
 
13
Notice that for this region to exist, the value to the independent voters of having an expert assigned to their district—rather than a loyalist—has to be large. In fact, we have \(\lambda _{2}^{I}<\lambda ^{I}\), if \(\frac{W}{ \rho }>1-\frac{1}{4\psi }\).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Political selection under alternative electoral rules
verfasst von
Vincenzo Galasso
Tommaso Nannicini
Publikationsdatum
13.03.2017
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Public Choice / Ausgabe 3-4/2017
Print ISSN: 0048-5829
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-7101
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-017-0436-x

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