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Politics, gender and youth citizenship in Senegal: Youth policing of dissent and diversity

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Abstract

This paper reports on empirical research on youth as active citizens in Senegal with specific reference to their education and their sexual and reproductive health rights. In a context of postcoloniality which claims to have privileged secular, republican understandings of the constitution, the authors seek to illuminate how youth activists sustain patriarchal, metropolitan views of citizenship and reinforce ethnic and locational (urban/rural) hierarchies. Their analysis is based on a case study of active youth citizenship, as reflected in youth engagement in the recent presidential elections in Senegal. This included involvement in youth protests against pre-election constitutional abuse and in a project monitoring the subsequent elections using digital technologies. The authors compare how youth activists enacted different notions of citizenship, in some instances involving a vigorous defence of Senegal’s democratic constitution, while in others dismissing this as being irrelevant to youth concerns. Here the authors make an analytic distinction between youth engagement in politics, seen as the public sphere of constitutional democracy, and the political, which they relate to the inherently conflictual and agonistic processes through which (youth) identities are policed, in ways which may legitimate or marginalise. Despite the frequent construction of youth as being agents of change, this analysis shows how potentially productive and open spaces for active citizenship were drawn towards conformity and the reproduction of existing hegemonies, in particular through patriarchal gender relations and sexual norms within which female youth remained particularly vulnerable.

Résumé

La politique, le gendre et la citoyenneté des jeunes au Sénégal : les jeunes comme régulateurs de la dissidence et de la diversité – Cet article présente une étude de recherche empirique sur les jeunes en tant que citoyens actifs au Sénégal, en référence spécifique à leurs droits à l’éducation et à la santé sexuelle et reproductive. Dans un contexte de postcolonialisme qui se promulgue d’avoir privilégié une conception laïque et républicaine de la constitution, les auteures tentent d’éclairer comment les jeunes militants entretiennent des conceptions patriarcales et métropolitaines de la citoyenneté et renforcent les hiérarchies ethniques et géographiques (urbain/rural). Leur analyse s’appuie sur une étude de cas relative à la citoyenneté active des jeunes, surtout vis-à-vis leur engagement lors de la récente élection présidentielle au Sénégal. Cet engagement a compris des protestations contre l’abus constitutionnel avant l’élection et leur participation dans une initiative contrôlant le déroulement de l’élection au moyen de technologies numériques. Les auteures comparent les différentes façons d’agir en tant que citoyen de la part des jeunes militants, où certains réclament une défense énergique de la constitution démocratique du Sénégal, et d’autres l’écartent comme étant sans rapport avec leurs préoccupations. Les auteures font ici une distinction analytique entre la politique, ou l’engagement dans la sphère politique de la démocratie constitutionnelle, et le politique, qu’elles rattachent aux processus intrinsèquement conflictuels et agonistiques par lesquels les identités (des jeunes) sont régulées, de sorte à légitimer ou à marginaliser. Bien que les jeunes soient généralement considérés comme les agents du changement, cette analyse démontre que des espaces potentiellement productifs et ouverts à la citoyenneté active ont été orientés vers la conformité et la reproduction des hégémonies existantes, notamment à travers des relations du gendre et des normes sexuelles de type patriarcal, qui maintiennent les jeunes femmes dans une situation particulièrement défavorisée.

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Notes

  1. The poet and cultural theorist Léopold Sédar Senghor (1906–2001) was educated in France, and served as one of Senegal’s two deputies in the French National Assembly, before becoming the first President of Senegal after independence. He was in office from 1960 to 1980.

  2. Both niak and lakakat are very insulting Wolof terms for people who are viewed as uncivilised outsiders. The first means roughly “forest dweller” in English; the second roughly “speaker” of unintelligible barbarian sounds (for the latter, see Cruise O’Brien 2003, p. 132).

  3. Les Peuls are an important ethnic group in Senegal, making up just under 24 per cent of its population (CIA 2014). More broadly, the term refers to members of the Fula people of Africa, sometimes also called Fulani or Fulbe. They are at home in many African countries, and about a third of them live a nomadic life.

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Acknowledgements

The research was commissioned by Oxfam Novib (the Netherlands), and funded jointly by them and the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA). Their support is gratefully acknowledged, as is the assistance of the youth researchers and the participation of the many research respondents across the different contexts of the research.

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Correspondence to Barbara Crossouard.

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Crossouard, B., Dunne, M. Politics, gender and youth citizenship in Senegal: Youth policing of dissent and diversity. Int Rev Educ 61, 43–60 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11159-015-9466-0

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