Abstract
This article argues that service interactions can serve as key sites for the recognition and performance of class distinctions in urban China. The author develops the concept of distinction work to describe service work in which a key part of the service interaction becomes the recognition of a customer’s class position. A contrast between working-class and luxury service environments in urban China demonstrates that distinction work becomes especially important when retailers compete over customers who themselves seek social distinction from their shopping experiences. This study links the study of service work and class while providing a better understanding of the evolving culture of inequality and emerging structure of entitlement in reform era China.
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Notes
Calculated from figures in the China Statistical Yearbook, 2004. The 2003 figure should be interpreted with caution, as after 1995, official data on the number of retail outlets, annual sales figures, and the ownership structure of the retail sector become increasingly difficult to interpret due to changes to data categories and reporting practices.
This and all other proper nouns used in the article are pseudonyms.
This argument contrasts with Guthrie’s (1997) findings for Shanghai’s industrial sector, where firms located at higher administrative levels – for example, under the jurisdiction of a municipal bureau – were more likely to experience the pressures of market reforms. Guthrie shows that in the 1990s, highly placed industrial firms were likely to cope with risk by investing in the service sector. There is no evidence, however, that service sector firms located high in the administrative hierarchy were under similar pressures. Nevertheless, I do not mean to suggest that Harbin No. X’s relationship with the Harbin municipal bureau is representative of China’s large, state-owned department stores and service sector firms in other cities, though the pattern was representative within Harbin. The city’s largest state retailers were the last to come under real pressure to change. The point, rather, is to explain the enduring state-socialist nature of management and work at this particular store.
In fact, pre-reform service interactions were modeled on the assembly line. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), model salesclerk Zhang Binggui was dubbed a socialist “service hero” and praised for his efficiency in dealing with shortage-induced queues, employing such skills as “yi zhua zhun” (measuring accuracy in “one grab”) and “yi kou qing” (quick tallying of purchases; Guo and Liu 1998). City almanacs list the top scorers in salesclerk speed competitions in measuring out lengths of cloth and packaging up merchandise (e.g., Harbin City Almanac 1994).
Paules (1991) similarly reports prohibitions against “physically necessary acts” in the restaurant she researched, including rules against openly drinking water (132–133).
At times, the imbalance between customer and clerk authority took shape as outright fear (on the clerk’s part) of the customer. In one instance, a salesclerk urgently whispered to another clerk to move away from the wallet that a customer had just set down on our sales counter. It was clear from this incident that salesclerks had to take great care in protecting themselves from possible customer accusations of theft or misbehavior, given that clerks had little standing with which to defend themselves against such claims. For this reason, another salesclerk warned me when I first started working at the store never to carry money in my pockets, because it could be used as evidence of stealing from a customer. According to the store’s internal hierarchy, clerks were dispensable, and customers were not.
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Hanser, A. Is the customer always right? Class, service and the production of distinction in Chinese department stores. Theor Soc 36, 415–435 (2007). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-007-9042-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-007-9042-0