Which Fishers are Satisfied in the Caribbean? A Comparative Analysis of Job Satisfaction Among Caribbean Lobster Fishers

The survey of job satisfaction used in the current research is based on the model developed by Pollnac and Poggie (1988), to which two categories of questions have been added. The survey therefore consists of five categories: basic needs, social needs, self-actualization, management and the value of nature. The basic needs category relates to fishers’ health, earnings, and their ability to feed their family. The second category of social needs refers to fishers’ satisfaction with time at sea, being one’s own boss and the time they spend away from their families. Self-actualization relates to the notion of fishing as a challenging, adventurous and worthwhile occupation. Management is new category and considers views on conflict and conflict resolution, rules and regulations, performance of government officials, possibilities for participation, and overall management. The nature category refers to the satisfaction of fishers with their landing site as well as level of fish stocks.

The research survey was administered to a sample of 83 lobster fishers from Belize, Jamaica and Nicaragua. Thirty-one fishers were interviewed in Belize, 26 in Jamaica and 26 in Nicaragua. Despite the fact that fishers are divided by gear type (trap fishers as well as divers) the majority of respondents are small-scale. Only 4 respondents in Nicaragua employ industrial type methods. The industrial trapping boats are steel vessels with large freezer holds that go out to sea for 45 days at a time.

The Likert scale was used to rank the responses to the 27 questions in the survey. When responding to a Likert questionnaire item, fishers specify their level of agreement according to a five-point scale ranging from (1) very unsatisfied, (2) unsatisfied, (3) neutral, to (4) satisfied and (5) very satisfied. In addition three overall questions on job satisfaction were added relating to whether a fisher would enter a job outside of fishing, move to another type of fishing and whether he or she would advise a young adult to enter the fishery.

In Jamaica the survey was administered to a sample of 26 trap fishers and divers in six communities: Crawford, Black River, Alligator Pond, Whitehouse, Gallon beach, and Treasure Beach. These communities are located in Westmoreland parish. Westmoreland is one of four parishes with the highest production of lobster in Jamaica. Not all the fishers limit their activities to the inshore zone; some go for 8–9-day fishing trips to Pedro Bank, located some 80 km away from the mainland. The researchers approached fishers randomly at the landing beaches where they would arrive in the afternoon (in the case of day fishers) and in the night/morning (in the case of Pedro Bank fishers).

In Nicaragua, the survey was carried out on Corn Island. Corn Island is responsible for half of the lobster landings in Nicaragua. Three fishing groups are available on the island: small-scale divers, small-scale trappers and industrial trappers. The industrial diving fleet, which is also of importance in the northern zone of Nicaragua, is not present in this area and therefore not represented in the survey. The researchers administered the survey to a sample of 26 fishers, 18 small-scale trap fishers, 4 industrial trap fishers and 4 small-scale divers. The researchers interviewed a random sample at the different lobster buying locations where fishers would sell their catch in the afternoon, or at the central ‘park’ on the island. Industrial fishers were approached at the piers of processing plants and the public pier where the industrial boats are stationed.

In Belize, the survey was administered to a sample of trap and dive fishers in two locations. Twenty fishers were interviewed in Caye Caulker and eleven in Belize City. All lobster divers are stationed in Belize City. Caye Caulker is one of four coastal communities where day fishers use traps to catch lobster. A small cooperative associated with one of the big fishing cooperatives in Belize City is based in Caye Caulker. In both locations, the researchers approached fishers at the landing site (Fig. 1).

Table 1 indicates that Nicaragua is the poorest of the three countries and holds the 115th place on the UN’s Human Development Index (UNDP 2010). Jamaica and Belize hold similar ranks at respectively the 80th and 78th position (UNDP 2010). The table also shows that in Belize, the contribution of the fishing sector to the national GDP is the highest of all three. In Belize it’s 5 %, in Jamaica and Nicaragua only respectively 0.5 and 0.11 %.

Table 2 highlights some significant differences between the three countries. Nicaragua is by far the largest producer of lobster. Jamaica, however, has the largest number of fishers, followed by Nicaragua and Belize. Lobster fishers in both Belize and Jamaica are known to operate within a multi-species fishery. This affects their annual income substantially as fishers are able to target other marine species when the lobster season is closed. Nicaragua and Jamaica also possess an industrial fishery whereas Belize has only a small-scale fishery.

Fishing in Jamaica has long been a source of both food and employment. The fishery makes a significant contribution to the Jamaican economy accounting for 0.4 % of the GDP and 7.5 % of the output of the Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing sector combined (Van Riel 2005) (see Table 1). The sector provides employment for many Jamaicans and contributes greatly to the food security and the alleviation of poverty. There are large fishing grounds on the southern shelf while the best fishing grounds of Jamaica are found at Pedro Bank, a large oceanic shelf 150 km to the southwest of Kingston.

Finfish, both in volume and value, is the most important marine export product; conch is second, followed by spiny lobster and shrimp. On average 700,000 tons of lobster tails are exported a year. However, this is only 15 percent of the total catch as the majority of the lobster catch goes to local hotels and restaurants (Venema 2004).

The current fishing industry is primarily small-scale. There are over 14,000 registered fishers, but estimates indicate that more than 20,000 Jamaicans are actually engaged in fishing (FAO 2007) (see Table 2). Fishers operate from some 186 fish landing beaches, including the offshore Pedro and Morant Cays. Fishers use a variety of gears varying from fish traps, beach seines, tangle and gill nets. They also engage in spearfishing, diving and some use of illegal explosives. Lobster fishers use traps, skin-diving equipment or hookah (diving with tubes from a small air compressor), while some are free lung divers.

Some fishers are day-trippers on the southern shelf but others live on the offshore cays more or less permanently. These migrant fishers are serviced by packer boats from the mainland, bringing supplies to the cays and produce to the mainland markets. Currently there are only four industrial boats in operation; the processing plant they are attached to is one of two plants that are allowed to export to the United States. Post-harvest structures varies according to the type of fishery. Small-scale fishers mostly sell their catch to beach vendors, middlemen or packer boats. The greater part is sold to hotels and restaurants and a smaller portion is destined for export (Venema 2004). Fishers are often dependent on middlemen for credit, fuel and gear. Only 6 % of the fishers in Jamaica belong to cooperatives (Kong 2005).

The government of Jamaica has established restrictions on the lobster fishery that resemble those in Belize and Nicaragua. However, the Fisheries Division is poorly staffed and lacks the necessary budget to enforce their regulations. In Jamaica 30 % of the total lobster sampled was under the minimum size while the inshore fishery of Jamaica is believed to be severely exploited (FAO 2007).

Lobster, shrimp and finfish occupy the 6th, 13th and 15th place in terms of the most valuable export products of Nicaragua (Rivera 2000), and the fishing sector contributes 1.5 % to total GDP (see Table 1). Currently, exports of lobster tails are around 1.1 million tons annually. Nearly all of the lobster is exported, mostly to the United States, as local demand is low. The best lobster fishing grounds of the country are around the Miskito Keys in the northern part of the Caribbean region of the country, and in the vicinity of Corn Island to the south (FAO 2001).

Until the 1950s, exploitation of the lobster resource on the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua was limited, owing mainly to the difficulty of access to international markets (World Bank 1999: 1). However, around this time foreign companies started obtaining contracts to fish for shrimp and other shellfish off the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua and in the 1960s, industrial trapping began (Vilas 1989). The fleet grew tremendously until the civil war in 1979 brought the fishery to a near complete stop. In the period until 1989 there was a marked reduction in fishing effort on the coast (World Bank 1999: 8). With the end of the civil war, economic sanctions against Nicaragua were lifted and export of lobster tails started once again. The government granted a large number of fishing licenses to the industrial fleet. Since the 1990s lobster exports have increased significantly (Adpesca 2003).

Currently, there are 15,720 fishers active in Nicaragua (CIPA 2007). The majority of these (12,465 in number) are small-scale fishers while the rest are employed in the industrial fishery (see Table 2). There are four different fishing methods: small-scale trapping, small-scale diving, industrial trapping and industrial diving. Industrial trapping boats go out for 45 day trips and work with a crew of 13 to15 men (see Table 2). Nicaraguan small-scale divers and trappers generally only make day trips. Both small-scale as well as industrial fishers make use of very basic (if not primitive) diving equipment; for example, they lack depth meters and dive watches and use many tanks a day (10–14). Divers frequently suffer from decompression sickness and resulting injuries (e.g Acosta 2001, 2003; Nietschmann 1997; World Bank 1999).

There are many kinds of intermediaries between fishers and processing plants located in the region. First of all there the ‘bucket ladies’ who buy lobster on a small scale from fishers at landing sites. The more established middlemen, locally known as ‘acopios’, operate from fixed locations. Acopios are fully licensed and usually have large coolers full of ice and trucks to ferry fishing equipment, fuel, and ice for the fishers (Monnereau 2004). The majority of fishers sell their catch through middlemen although some also sell directly to processing plants. Approximately eight to ten processing plants are currently in operation on the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua. The processing plants own a majority of the industrial vessels operating in the region. Only a very limited number of the fishers belong to fishing cooperatives.

The government of Nicaragua has established restrictions and regulations regarding the lobster fishery. These include laws defining an annual closed season and prohibiting the catch of undersized and molting specimens, and berried females. However, enforcement of regulations is weak and the fisheries administration poorly staffed. Observers suggest that the Nicaraguan lobster fishery is highly overexploited (Ehrhardt 2006).

Belize fisheries cater to domestic consumption as well as export markets and provide a large measure of livelihood and employment. The export of sea products is an important source of foreign exchange. The Belize barrier reef supports a variety of fisheries of which the spiny lobster, queen conch and pink shrimp are among the most important commercial species caught. During the last 40 years however it has been the spiny lobster fishery that has dominated the fishing industry. Over 500,000 tons is exported annually, mainly to the USA (FAO 2007) (see Table 1).

Between 1920 and 1960 the Belize fishery industry developed from a small-scale domestic fishery to an export fishery of lobster (P. argus), conch (Strombus gigas) and a variety of finfish for the lucrative US and Caribbean markets (Gillet 2003). During the 1960s the commercial fishery evolved from one dominated by foreign companies to locally owned cooperative organizations (Gillet 2003). Processing and freezing facilities were established in the 1950s in Belize City and in 1965 the government of Belize gave cooperatives exclusive rights over exports of fisheries products. There are now two fishing cooperatives with export licenses, and these cooperatives dominate the export market for lobster, conch and finfish products. Throughout the country there are several more fishing cooperatives. They, however, have do not have exporting facilities and work together with one of the two exporting processors in Belize City.

Credit unions, producer cooperatives and service cooperatives have been promoted in Belize for more than 55 years (McConney et al. 2003). Sixty percent of the lobster fishers in Belize are members of a fishing cooperative. McConney et al. consider the fishing cooperatives of Belize as the most successful of the cooperatives established in the country (McConney et al. 2003). The lobster fishery is the most important income earner in the highly developed small scale fishery in Belize. Belizean fishermen are able to get some of the best prices for lobster in the world (Huitric 2005). High export earnings strengthen the cooperatives economically, translating into political strength (Brown and Pomeroy 1999; McConney et al. 2003).

Fishers harvest lobster by skin-diving and traps. Divers in Belize work from sailboats, which carry around 10–13 divers, with each diver using a canoe to dive in the vicinity of the mother boat (see Table 2). Although there is a captain on board, which divers have to pay a daily fee, all divers are independent workers. Divers spend nine consecutive days out at sea and then take 2–3-day breaks.

Trap fishers in Belize make daytrips and go out every 2–3 days to haul their traps (locally referred to as ‘pots’). More often than not, fishers go out a few days a week and often combine fishing with other economic activities such as tourism. These fishers usually do not take ice to sea as the harvested lobsters are not killed until they reach shore.

The Belize government has established a set of restrictions and regulations regarding the lobster fishery. There are laws stipulating a closed season and prohibiting the catch of undersized and molting lobsters, and berried females. The level of overexploitation of the lobster resource in Belize is disputed (see FAO 2007; Huitric 2005).

The three countries show distinct patterns in terms of job satisfaction outcome. Mean values for all scores, except management, fall above the mid-point of 3 indicating general satisfaction with the other four categories of job satisfaction. Table 16 shows the mean values by country per job satisfaction category. This table indicates that there are statistically significant differences in levels of satisfaction for all categories except basic needs across the three countries. These results are also depicted in Fig. 5.

Belize and Nicaragua show a relatively similar ranking pattern except for the category of management. Belize scores very low on management whereas Nicaragua shows higher results. The reverse would actually be expected. Further research is needed to explain this discrepancy. The graphs show clearly that in all countries the category management scores lowest. Within this category fishers are especially dissatisfied with the performance of government officials (Table 17). Nonetheless, the questions on conflicts and conflict resolution also score exceptionally low across all countries (Table 17). This reflects the fact fishers perceive the presence of conflicts in their fishery and the lack of resolutions for these.

Nicaragua also scores higher on the nature category than Belize. Jamaica, however, scores highest. Although the exact levels of overexploitation are unknown in Jamaica they are believed to be relatively high in comparison to Belize and at least equal to that of Nicaragua. According to the FAO (2007) the lobster fishery in Nicaragua and Jamaica are both overexploited while the lobster fishery is regarded as fully-exploited.

This could be related to the fact the national tourist industry is also a large buyer of lobsters. Even though Jamaican fishers might be fishing undersized lobster they still have a market whereas this market is much smaller in Nicaragua and to a lesser extent in Belize.

The categories of basic needs, social needs, and self-actualization scores are very low in Jamaica in comparison to the other two countries. Although fishers are relatively positive towards the level of exploitation they are much less satisfied with the extent to which their basic needs, social needs and self-actualization needs are met. Additional research is required to explain these results.

Table 18 shows the correlation between job satisfaction categories and selected social variables. As years of fishing experience increase so does level of satisfaction on the basic needs, social needs and self actualization categories. In contrast, as education level increases, levels of satisfaction with the social needs and self actualization categories decrease. Finally, the results show that the older a fisher is the more likely he will be satisfied on the social needs category.

There are no statistically significant differences between married and single fishers on the five job satisfaction categories (Table 19). Fishing type, however, is related to satisfaction with management—trap fishers are less satisfied than dive fishers (Table 20). Finally, captains are more satisfied than crew members with the basic needs, social needs and self actualization categories of job satisfaction (Table 21). They are less satisfied with the management category. This could be related to the fact they expect more from the government than crewmembers do.

It is clear from the results that in all three countries, fishers like their occupation. The lobster fishers show a general satisfaction with their occupation. They highly value their occupation and despite an overall declining resource a majority said they would advise a young person to enter the occupation of fishing.

As the resource is declining throughout the area, a question concerning characteristics of the occupation of fishing that make it attractive arises. The data show that the categories basic needs, social needs and self-actualization score high (especially in Nicaragua and Belize). Consequently, if one wishes to provide an alternative occupation to fishers, it will need to be attractive to them on those accounts.

Across all three countries fishers are least satisfied with management. This is shared in all job satisfaction studies carried out, where fishers targeted government officers as the object of their greatest dissatisfaction (Bavinck and Monnereau 2007: 148). Although the management category scores are higher in Nicaragua, the category still scores lower than all other categories. These results show that good communication and cooperation between fishers and government at all levels is often lacking. Fishers are very dissatisfied with government officials–a problem that could be improved. However, results also indicated fishers are very dissatisfied with both the level of conflict as well as conflict resolution in fisheries. The survey is does not indicate what types of conflicts are implied by the fishers: between different gear types (e.g. divers vs. trappers), different ethnic groups (e.g. in Nicaragua between Miskito’s and creole fishers), scales (small-scale versus industrial) or between fishers and non-fishing activities (e.g. fishers and tourist activities). In order to improve management of these fisheries these aspects of conflict resolution should be explored. However, quantitative data gathering is necessary in order to find the exact types of conflict that shape the satisfaction of fishers with their occupation. Decreasing the level of conflicts could therefore greatly improve the functioning of the fishery.