Notes
The notion and nature of terrorism generalised throughout this paper is concerned with violent attacks on state and alliance institutions and ideologies. It is not interested in terrorist violence that is employed directly for economic motives or that which is an extension of violence as a tool or organised criminal enterprise within black market counter-economies (see Findlay 1999, Chap. 5).
For a discussion of the deep state and para politics, see Tunander 2006.
Examples are provided in Reno 2006.
These benefits may have the common outcome of overturning state authority but may be motivated by distinctly different purposes and often with opposing eventual expectations.
This is not new. An examination of the historical literature on the triads in Nationalist China clearly locates the connection between organised crime organisations and financing with contesting political movements.
The link between organised crime and terrorism is not necessarily a new phenomenon. On the contrary, the earliest identified manifestations of organised crime in Europe, China, and even Japan, demonstrated a motivation to undermine and overthrow established rule. In fact, triads were, at the turn of the nineteenth century, bound up with the Nationalist struggle in China. The difference today is that the international nature of organised crime as terrorism is clearly directed against global political cultures, influences and domination.
Due to limitations of space, enterprise theory is introduced only as a preferred paradigm for distinguishing the economic motivations of organised crime from the ideological and political imperatives of global terrorism.
Some argue that without the strange conflation between fundamental Islamists and the neo-conservatives in the United States (and the terror that emerges from this) then the disengagement from conventional politics would be much more universal. (See the documentary ‘The Power of Nightmares’ screened by SBS Television in 2007).
In their common law and legislative forms in New South Wales, or as protected through the administrative guidelines governing police practice.
Volkov’s (2002) intriguing examination of the place of protection and extortion rackets in the emerging Russian private marketplace exemplifies this trend.
Indeed, it seems that organised ‘philanthropic’ contributions from ‘off-shore’ communities play a more significant and constant role in financing organisations and movements suspected of terrorist involvement.
See the discussion of the favelas in Brazil—Findlay and Zvekic 1993.
This also gives weight to Napoleoni’s caution that the distinction between state and non-state actors may be false and misleading. In some situations alleged terror organisations such as the PLO and Hamas have larger and more community interconnected bureaucracies and finances than do the ‘shell states’ in which they locate (Napoleoni 2005, p 67).
For a brief outline of recent Commonwealth legislative and administrative activity in the area of national security see Findlay et al. 2005 pp 100–105.
This rhetoric is picked up and promoted by Australian enforcement agencies with a brief to investigate organised crime—see National Crime Authority 1996, Annual Report, NCA, Melbourne
In referring to a problem as global, the interpretations of Galtung (1995, p 29) are useful:
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global in the sense of “worldwide”, being shared by a high number of societies
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global in the sense of “world-interconnected”, with causal loops spanning the whole world
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global in the sense of “world-system”, applying to world society as such.
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This paper is not a detailed denial of the difference between organised crime as the aggregation of illicit wealth, and terrorism which may not be concerned with economic profit. It takes as given the primary political context for terrorism and the enterprise environment of organised crime.
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Findlay, M.J. Global Terror and Organised Crime: Symbiotic or Synonymous?. Asian Criminology 3, 75–89 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11417-008-9052-5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11417-008-9052-5