Unemployment, inflation and government popularity — are there partisan effects?

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Abstract

The paper employs quarterly vote intention or approval rate series for the US, Canada, the UK and Australia to examine whether the sensitivity of government popularity to unemployment and inflation depends on the government's ideology. In all four countries, right governments are hurt by unemployment but not by moderate inflation. The results for left governments are less conclusive.

Section snippets

Three hypotheses

According to the responsibility hypothesis, governments are punished for high unemployment and high inflation and rewarded for low unemployment and low inflation. Voters do not distinguish between left and right governments; the two types of incumbent are held to the same standard on both dimensions. Rogoff and Sibert (1988), Rogoff (1990) and Alesina and Rosenthal (1995) show that retrospective voting of the type featured by the responsibility hypothesis is consistent with forward-looking,

Data description

In multi-party systems, the link between government formation and the election vote is weak; a party may loose a considerable share of voters and still continue in office. I therefore confine the analysis to four countries where two big parties compete for office; the US, Canada, the UK and Australia.

Quarterly or, when available, monthly vote intention/approval rate polls are gathered for each country.2 For all

Estimation procedure

Attention must be paid to the time series properties of popularity, unemployment and inflation. If popularity and one or both macroeconomic variables are nonstationary, regressions using level variables may produce spurious results unless the variables cointegrate. A solution might be to respecify the model in first differences, but then potential valuable information about the long-run relationship is thrown away.

The analysis proceeds as follows. I first perform augmented Dickey–Fuller tests

Unit root tests

Perron, 1989, Perron, 1990 has shown that conventional unit root tests can be misleading when time series are characterized by structural breaks. Since opinion polls reflect all aspects of the ruling party or parties, not only macroeconomic competence and preferences, it is possible that a change in government will cause a permanent shift in the level of popularity even when we condition on unemployment and inflation.

Let PÔPt be the residuals from a regression of POPt on dummy variables for

Long-run model

Since the unit root tests indicate that popularity and the macroeconomic variables may be nonstationary time series, we should verify whether the variables cointegrate. If this is the case, it is only necessary to estimate the static model to achieve a consistent estimate of the long-run steady-state relationship due to the superconsistency property of the OLS estimator. The following long-run model is estimated:POPt0i1LEFTt∗UNt2LEFTt∗UNt∗HIGHLUt3RIGHTt∗UNt4RIGHTt∗UNt∗HIGHRUt5LEFTt

Error-correction model

To examine whether the short-run effects of unemployment and inflation on government popularity are different for left and right governments, the following error-correction model is estimated:ΔPOPt01ΔPOPt−12ΔPOPt−23LEFTt∗ΔUNt4RIGHTt∗ΔUNt5LEFTt∗ΔINFt6RIGHTt∗ΔINFt7ECTt−1,where ECTt−1 is the error-correction term.10

As can seen from Table 5, the coefficients of the macroeconomic

Conclusion

The paper presents evidence suggesting that the relationship between popularity, unemployment and inflation indeed depends on party ideology. In general, the clientele hypothesis performs better than the salient goal hypothesis. The results for right governments are broadly supportive of the clientele hypothesis; in all four countries, there is a negative long-run relation between government popularity and unemployment, whereas inflation has a neutral or positive impact on popularity when the

Acknowledgements

Comments from participants at the Sandbjerg conference on “Economics and Elections: Comparisons and Conclusions” are gratefully acknowledged.

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