Social context, linguistic ideology, and indexical expressions in Japanese☆
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Cited by (48)
The relationship between stereotypical meaning and contextual meaning of Korean honorifics
2021, Journal of PragmaticsCitation Excerpt :For example, an honorific, stereotypically perceived as used by a junior to a senior, must be interpreted otherwise after witnessing the real context of a teacher using it to a junior student. The communication of contextual meanings is filtered by individuals' consideration of context and manipulation of language ideologies (Okamoto, 1997). In pronominal studies, for example, female students at a Thai university adopt a pronoun, the gender-bound ideology of which stigmatizes females, to create a meaning of equality in their relationship with friends (Simpson, 1997).
Style-shifting in student–professor conversations
2016, Journal of PragmaticsCitation Excerpt :However, researchers have recently examined naturally occurring conversations or texts where a single speaker or writer switches between these two forms in everyday conversation even when talking to the same addressee or writing to the same reader on a single topic. Such intricate and dynamic interactions, style-shifting, in various social contexts have been accounted for in multiple theoretical frameworks such as discourse modality (Maynard, 1991, 1993), language ideology and indexicality (Okamoto, 1997, 1998, 1999, 2004, 2010, 2011), social constructivism (Cook, 2006, 2008a, 2008b; Okamoto, 2011), politeness studies (Cook, 2006, 2008a, 2008b; Geyer, 2008a, 2008b, 2013), turn-taking management (Megumi, 2002), and linguistic emotivity (Maynard, 2001, 2002, 2008). The present study was initially motivated by the author's encounters with Japanese-as-foreign-language (JFL) learners whose “style-shifting” is intuitively unnatural, but after study abroad experience became more native-like.
Language and an expression of identities: Japanese sentence-final particles ne and na
2014, Journal of PragmaticsCitation Excerpt :Likewise, through the educational reform, the Meiji educational body established the social norm that Japanese women must be onna-rashii ‘womanly’ with the ideal role of ryoosai-kenbo ‘a good wife and wise mother’, and that they must speak gently, quietly and gracefully. Onna-kotoba ‘women's language’ that is associated with the notion onna-rashisa as such has, therefore, been characterised as polite, soft, non-assertive and indirect (e.g. Falconer, 1984; Reynolds, 1990; Suzuki, 1993; Masuoka and Takubo, 1994; Okamoto, 1997; Shibamoto Smith, 2001; Inoue, 2004). Returning to our discussion of the relationship between the camaraderie tone associated with na and the male's exclusive use of na, it should be stressed here that ‘Japanese women's language’ is a set of linguistic beliefs about forms and functions of language used by, and associated with, Japanese women, and it is a culturally salient category and contains knowledge about how women usually speak or should speak.
Prosody and Gender in Workplace Interaction: Exploring Constraints and Resources in the Use of Japanese
2023, Japanese Language, Gender, and Ideology: Cultural Models and Real People
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This study was partly supported by a California State University research grant. I am very grateful to those who helped me with the data collection, in particular Akiko Honjo, Chizuko Ito, Yoko Tada, and those who participated in recording the conversations. I would also like to thank Mary Bucholtz, Penelope Eckert, Lieba Faier, Kira Hall, Chris Honde, Sachiko Ide, Miyako Inoue, Shoichi Iwasaki, Yoshiko Matsumoto, Naomi H. McGloin, J. V. Neustupný, Naoko Ogawa, Janet Smith, Ryoko Suzuki, Shinji Tokuchi, and Sumiyuki Yukawa for their valuable discussions that helped shape this paper.