PerspectiveThe hidden dimensions of human–wildlife conflict: Health impacts, opportunity and transaction costs
Highlights
► Hidden impacts of human–wildlife conflict receive scant attention. ► We examine health impacts, opportunity and transaction costs of conflict. ► They impact global wellbeing, penetrating beyond immediate threats from wildlife. ► We identify areas for future research to comprehensively address hidden impacts.
Introduction
Conservation in the 21st century faces a fundamental challenge: to reconcile human activities with the needs of wildlife present in highly anthropogenic landscapes. Human activities over the last 200 years have indeed transformed the planet and started an era now termed the Anthropocene (Crutzen, 2002). The global network of protected areas, covering nearly 13% of the earth’s surface, has provided the ‘last stand’ for several large and threatened mammals (World Database on Protected Areas, 2012). Yet, in many parts of the developing world, these mammals inhabit landscapes beyond reserves where they come into conflict with local communities (Inskip and Zimmermann, 2009, Woodroffe et al., 2005c). Millions of people across the world are affected. The loss of life, crops or livestock to wildlife has significant consequences for people’s livelihoods, their food and agricultural security. The fact that the poor are dependent on natural ecosystems that conservationists seek to protect is gaining increasing recognition. Conservation and provision of livelihoods should therefore go hand-in-hand (Adams et al., 2004). Human–wildlife conflict, by compromising people’s livelihoods, seriously impedes these goals.
Human–wildlife conflict has traditionally been viewed to occur ‘when the needs and behavior of wildlife impact negatively on the goals of humans or when the goals of humans negatively impact the needs of wildlife’ (Madden, 2004, p. 248). A range of species come into conflict with people (Sillero-Zubiri et al., 2007, Woodroffe et al., 2005c), the effects of which are severe and best documented in case of large mammals (Inskip and Zimmermann, 2009, Liu et al., 2011, Marchini and Macdonald, 2012). These studies emphasize visible impacts of human–wildlife conflict, i.e. crop and livestock loss, injury and fatality. For instance, in low-income countries such as Mozambique and Namibia, over a hundred people are killed annually by crocodiles (Lamarque et al., 2009), whilst in India elephants kill more than one person every day (Rangarajan et al., 2010). In both Asia and Africa, communities may lose up to 10–15% of their total agricultural output to elephants (Lamarque et al., 2009, Madhusudan and Sankaran, 2010). Such losses may seem insignificant at a national level, but they give rise to exponentially high costs for the affected individuals and families, many of whom are amongst the least privileged people in the world.
Besides visible impacts, human–wildlife conflict has a range of poorly-documented indirect or ‘hidden’ impacts on the poor in low-income nations. These impacts include opportunity and transaction costs that occur as a result of conflict (Ogra, 2008), as well as health impacts that impair people’s physical and mental wellbeing (Chowdhury et al., 2008, Dixon et al., 2009). The effects of such impacts penetrate far deeper than immediate threats from wildlife. However, most attempts to examine human–wildlife conflict and policies to mitigate it gravitate toward visible aspects of the issue (Sangay and Vernes, 2008, Treves, 2009, Treves et al., 2006, Vidya and Thuppil, 2010, Woodroffe et al., 2005c). Hidden impacts are given scant attention.
In this paper, we discuss the visible and hidden impacts that human–wildlife conflict has on local communities in low-income countries. First, we present an overview of current approaches to framing and mitigating human–wildlife conflict. Second, we expand upon these perspectives to present a fuller account of its known and potential hidden impacts on human wellbeing by synthesizing the available literature (see Supporting Information for literature review protocol). Our discussion is largely restricted to large mammals such as lions, tigers, leopards, African and Asian elephants as they are the focus of several conservation interventions (Gubbi, 2012, Palmeira et al., 2008, Treves, 2009), and for which hidden impacts are relatively better documented. Third, we identify how gaps in knowledge can be addressed towards mitigation and future policy formulation. In conclusion, we outline directions for further research that address hidden dimensions of human–wildlife conflict better.
Section snippets
Visible impacts of human–wildlife conflict: an overview
Visible impacts of human–wildlife conflict, i.e. injury and fatality, crop and livestock loss, are its best-documented consequences. Studies suggest that in Tanzania, between 1990 and 2004 lion-attacks led to injury or death of over 800 people (Packer et al., 2005). In India documented loss of human life to elephant attacks averages over 400 people annually (Rangarajan et al., 2010). People killed in such conflict are generally from weaker socioeconomic sections of society (Das and
Hidden impacts of human–wildlife conflict
Hidden impacts of human–wildlife conflict may be defined as costs characterized as uncompensated, temporally delayed, psychological or social in nature (Ogra, 2008). The term ‘hidden’, synonymous with ‘indirect’ or ‘secondary’ impacts (Hunter et al., 1990), is deployed here as it encapsulates many causes and antecedents that slip critical inquiry when the focus is on visible impacts of human–wildlife conflict. Further, the term has come into use in the human–wildlife conflict literature (
Addressing the hidden impacts
The hidden impacts of human–wildlife conflict have broader implications in the current conservation climate. It is being increasingly recognized that ecosystems, and the services they provide, are indispensible for the wellbeing of people throughout the world. The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment classifies ecosystem benefits as supporting, provisioning, regulating and cultural services (Corvalan et al., 2005). These services strongly influence constituents of wellbeing including personal
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank two anonymous reviewers and the editor of Biological Conservation for their insights and comments in improving the manuscript. Discussions with Bill Adams, Meredith Root-Bernstein, Dan Bucknell, Arabinda Chowdhury, S.K. Deuri, Paul Jepson, Steve Redpath, Tarsh Thekaekara, Guy Western, John Zablocki and Alexandra Zimmerman helped refine the arguments. Students of the Human–Wildlife Conflict Reading Group at Oxford (2009–2012) provided useful feedback. MB’s
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