Power sector reform in South Asia: Why slow and limited so far?
Introduction
Since late 1980s reform became the normal prescription of the multi-lateral donor agencies like the IMF and the World Bank and the reform agenda has been pursued vigorously since 1990s for more than a decade now. Despite having wide range of possibilities ranging from minimal structural changes to complete structural disintegration of the activity of the industry (see for example Hunt and Shuttleworth, 1996; Tenenbaum et al., 1992; Newbery, 1999), the policy of functional disintegration and privatisation of the industry was generally prescribed without paying much attention to the economic and institutional environment of the country (Sharma et al., 2004). Consequently, recent reviews indicate that not much progress has been made in many parts of the world (Bacon and Besant-Jones, 2001; WEC, 1998; World Bank, 2003), although most of the countries have initiated some reform of their power sector.
Countries in the South Asian region joined the bandwagon often under external insistence but did precious little to produce any example of successful reform in the region. As reform falters or progresses slowly, developing countries face other issues such as lack of adequate funding for new capacity addition, neglect of utility operation and management, and increase in government involvement in the management and decision-making of the industry, contrary to the expected objectives of the reform. Moreover, there are also concerns about social sector and environmental consequences of the reform (Dubash, 2002; Wamukonya, 2003).
In this context, this paper analyses the progress of power sector reform in five South Asian countries, where more than 22% of the world population is concentrated and where around 40% of the population has access to electricity services. The paper presents a contrasting situation of the power sector in these countries and discusses their reform experience. An institutional economics perspective is used to identify the factors affecting reforms and the reform process. The framework is then employed to analyse the South Asian experience.
The paper is organised as follows: Section 2 presents a brief overview of the South Asian power sector and the reform initiatives taken in each country; Section 3 presents the institutional perspective of reform while Section 4 presents the analysis of South Asian reform experience using the institutional framework. Finally, some concluding remarks are provided.
Section snippets
Sector overview
The power sector in South Asia is quite diverse (see Table 1): on one hand, Nepal has a small and largely undeveloped electricity market; on the other extreme, India ranks fifth in the world in terms of generation capacity. Coal plays an important role in India, while hydropower has a significant share in Nepal and Sri Lanka. Natural gas plays an important role in Pakistan and Bangladesh.
Despite the above apparent diversity in size and output level, there are a number of similarities among
Reform from an institutional economics perspective
First we briefly introduce institutional economics and then discuss reform from an institutional perspective.
Analysis of slow reform progress using institutional framework
In this section, we apply the institutional framework presented in Section 3 and analyse the reform experience in South Asia. The discussion is presented in four sections.
Conclusion
This paper has presented the power sector reform experience in five South Asian countries and provided an institutional economics perspective to reform. Based on this, four essential factors were identified whose satisfaction is required for the success of a reform. Reform being essentially a political process, political patronage is essential for undertaking the legal changes required to put in place the reform framework. Acceptance of the new rules of the game by various stakeholders,
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2021, Economic Analysis and PolicyCitation Excerpt :In general, it is seen that reform tends to lower the consumer prices in developed countries; however, prices tend to increase in developing countries due to the move towards cost-reflective structures (Sen et al., 2016). From the South Asian perspective, Bhattacharya (2007) points out that a lack of cost-reflective pricing is a primary cause behind the energy sectors’ financial problems. Finally, the third category scrutinises the influences of different institutional changes on the outcome of energy sector reform.