Augmented informality: South Africa's backyard dwellings as a by-product of formal housing policies
Introduction
In December 2007 more than 1000 backyard shack dwellers invaded unfinished houses in Cape Town's N2 Gateway project. Impatient with waiting for housing and tired of politicians' promises, families moved into partially-built houses that lacked doors or windows, painting their names on walls to indicate territory (Cape Times, 2007). Despite legal precedents of granting invaders their right to housing, the Cape High Court dismissed backyard dwellers' demands and ordered their eviction the following February (Cape Times, 2008). The core of the dispute lay in the proposed housing allocation for the N2 Gateway project: 70% to informal settlement residents and 30% to backyard dwellers from the locality. In protest at their marginalisation and angry that their needs were overlooked in favour of informal settlement residents in the proposed housing allocation, backyard dwellers unsuccessfully demanded a 50:50 distribution. Despite failing to achieve their demands, the profile of backyard dwellers had never before been so prominent in everyday, media and official discourses in Cape Town.
Problems related to informal housing are nothing new for cities of the global South, but have increasingly received international attention, recently articulated in the United Nations Millennium Development Goal 7/11 to achieve “a significant improvement in the lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers” (UN, 2000). Despite criticism of the term ‘slum’ (Gilbert, 2007) the MDG goal recognises the problems of informal living as a major global challenge. UN-HABITAT (2003a), mandated to achieve this goal, estimate that one billion people live in ‘slums’, predicted to double over the next 30 years. Such statistics conjure images of mile after mile of ‘shacks’, a sea of poverty-stricken homes built from metal, plastic and wood, arranged in an irregular fashion with alleys criss-crossing homes, and with minimal access to basic infrastructure and services. However, not all informal housing is situated in collective areas. The emphasis on ‘slums’ overlooks a lesser known sub-set of informal housing: backyard dwellings.
Backyard dwellings are informal shacks, typically erected by their occupiers in the yards of other properties, and are a uniquely South African phenomenon (Crankshaw, Gilbert, & Morris, 2000).1 Some backyards host multiple shacks, and landlords typically share electricity, water, sanitation and refuse collection with backyard tenants, in return for rent.2 Backyard dwellings lack the mass visibility and collective force of an informal settlement,3 being instead merged into existing residential areas and functioning alongside neighbours with formal tenure rights and access to infrastructure and services. This paper explores the dimensions of informal backyard housing in a relatively new context, located within state-subsidised housing settlements. The paper argues that South Africa's formal housing policies have indirectly encouraged backyard housing and have thereby augmented informality in South African cities, the exact opposite of the policy's intentions. Within this context, analysis considers why backyard dwellings exist, both for tenants and landlords, as well as analysing the landlord–tenant relationship. In addition, broader questions related to the function of backyard dwellings within the city, particularly for policymakers, but also landlords and tenants, are considered. For while backyard dwellings generate income for poor homeowners and provide serviced accommodation for poor tenants, they also perpetuate informal forms of living and thus hamper the government vision of eradicating informality in favour of “suburban bliss” (Robins, 2002), as well as contradicting government prioritisation of homeownership over rental housing.4
These questions are addressed by analysing data from research undertaken in a low-income settlement in Cape Town, comprising 650 formal houses, which owners received through the government housing subsidy scheme, most of which host informal dwellings in backyards. In September 2006, a survey of 100 households (both homeowners and backyard tenants) was undertaken, using random sampling techniques to ensure a broad range of demographic profiles. The survey asked residents quantitative and qualitative questions about their housing experiences, and this paper draws on material related to respondent's experiences of backyard dwellings, as neighbours, landlords and tenants.
Section snippets
Backyard dwellings in South Africa: history
Insufficient and inadequate housing for the urban poor has a long history in South Africa, with apartheid-era policies of urban containment resulting in overcrowded and under-serviced townships and informal settlements on the urban periphery. Prior to 1996, housing policies virtually ignored backyard dwellers and statistics captured them in the ‘informal settlement’ bracket,5
Backyard dwellings in South Africa: existing research
Despite the growing number of backyard dwellings relative to informal settlements over the past ten years (SAIRR, 2008), the former remains an under-researched area, and the existing literature is largely piecemeal. With the exception of a handful of in-depth studies (Bank, 2007, Crankshaw et al., 2000, Morange, 2002), reference to backyard dwellings tends to be a subsidiary element of studies focusing on other aspects of housing. In reviewing previous findings on backyard housing, a line can
Backyard dwellings in South Africa: policy
Recognising the failure of the National Housing Subsidy Scheme to resolve South Africa's housing shortage with sufficient speed, the 2004 ‘Breaking New Ground’ (BNG) Housing Strategy was introduced, including the promotion of alternative tenure options.20
Case study: Westlake village
Westlake village is a low-income community where residents received ownership and occupation of their state-subsidised houses in late-1999, having previously lived 500 m away in a range of informal (squatter settlement) and formal (dilapidated publicly-owned) accommodation.25 Its location is unusual for RDP settlements, being situated in proximity to middle-class suburban neighbourhoods, rather than on the urban
Extent: dominant or negligible?
In 2005 the Westlake United Church Trust (WUCT, a local NGO) census identified 411 ‘back dwellings’ in Westlake, an average of 0.6 backyard dwellings for each house, with 516 adults residing in backyard dwellings (children were not counted), indicating an average occupancy of 1.2 adults per backyard shack, compared to 4.4 people (adults and children) per house (Dawes, 2005). By 2006, my research found that that over half of properties (58%) have backyard dwellings, all of which are informal
Why live in a backyard dwelling?
Why do poor people live in backyard dwellings, dependent on landlords and liable for rent, rather than move to an informal settlement and experience an independent and rent-free lifestyle?28 The principal reasons identified are positive agency factors
Why do property owners have backyard dwellings?
Why would the owner of a new fully-serviced state-subsidised brick-built house, their first ‘formal’ property after decades of informal and sub-standard accommodation, fill their backyard with shacks? Two principal agency reasons are identified: needing additional space and income-generation. Wider structural reasons related to failures in the housing policy are also explored.
Landlord–tenant relationship
Previously, relations between backyard tenants and landlords were understood as “deeply exploitative patron-client relationships between a layer of better-off residents (landlords) and a layer of particularly vulnerable poor people (tenants)” (Skuse & Cousins, 2007: p. 983) in which landlords “ruled the roost” (Bank, 2007: p. 212). Examples of night-time curfews, restrictions in access to water and electricity, high rents, cleaning duties, maximum numbers of visitors and essentially living
Conclusion
South Africa faces a huge housing shortage, with 2.4 million households living in informal and sub-standard accommodation (Sisulu, 2005). Since 1994 the government has promoted homeownership as the primary solution to informal housing, despite recognition in the international literature that private renting provides greater opportunities for low-income households (UN-HABITAT, 2003a, UN-HABITAT, 2003b). However, the national housing subsidy scheme is failing to meet demand, leaving low-income
Acknowledgements
The fieldwork for this paper was undertaken while the author was a postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Environmental and Geographical Science, University of Cape Town. The author thanks and acknowledges the support of the Leverhulme Trust in funding this research. In addition, the paper has benefited from the critical comments of Alan Gilbert, Marianne Morange, Owen Crankshaw and one anonymous reviewer, though all errors remain the fault of the author.
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