Community, comparisons and subjective well-being in a divided society

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Abstract

Using South African data, the paper poses six questions about the determinants of subjective well-being. Much of the paper is concerned with the role of relative concepts. We find that comparator income, when measured as the average income of others in the local residential cluster, enters the household's utility function positively (close neighbors are ‘positives’, not ‘negatives’), but that the income of more distant others enters negatively. Race-based comparator groups are also important in racially divided South Africa. Relative income is more important to happiness at higher levels of absolute income. Potential explanations and implications of these results are considered.

Introduction

In this paper we pose several questions about the determinants of subjective well-being. We do so for South Africa, a country that, because of its unusually divided society, provides a good case study of the effects of community and comparisons on subjective well-being. Each of these questions is new for South Africa. More broadly, the major contribution of the paper to the economic literature on subjective well-being concerns the role of comparisons made with others in the community. What are the reference groups against which people compare themselves, and do their comparisons give rise to fellow feeling or to feelings of relative deprivation? We highlight the roles that space and race can play. Spatially defined reference groups are shown to have a positive effect on subjective well-being, suggesting that neighbors may be ‘positives’ and not ‘negatives’. By contrast, racially defined reference groups are shown to have a negative effect, implying that relative deprivation may be experienced in relation to others of one's own race rather than to neighbors or to the larger society. There are interesting implications for welfare economics and for policy.

In Section 2, we provide a framework of concepts and literature about the effects of comparisons on subjective well-being. Section 3 describes the South African context and the data, and outlines the method: the estimation of subjective well-being functions that include explanatory variables representing relevant comparisons. The empirical Section 4 presents the results, question by question. In particular, we test whether and how spatial and racial comparisons affect subjective well-being. Section 5 concludes and draws out the implications of the analysis.

Section snippets

Concepts and literature

The idea that relative position matters to individual utility has substantial support and acceptance in the social science literature, particularly in sociology (for instance, Runciman, 1966) and psychology (for instance, Diener and Biswas-Diener, 2000). By contrast, mainstream microeconomic theory generally treats utility as a function of own absolute income. However, some economists have advocated models in which the income of others enters the individual's utility function (prominent among

Context, data and method

In South Africa race was the defining feature of society until the end of apartheid, with most aspects of life being governed by racial segregation. For instance, different education departments catered for the education of the four races (African, Coloured, Indian, and White), and there was a marked racial hierarchy in resource allocations to schools. There were restrictions on the movement and migration of non-Whites, and they had been debarred from entering certain higher positions of

Empirical results

Table 1 sets out the notation, definitions, means and standard deviations of the variables used in the analysis. Column (a) of Table 2 presents a general specification of the ordered probit equation of subjective well-being, together with the marginal effects of the variables on the probability of being ‘satisfied’ or ‘very satisfied’ with life. Column (b) provides an OLS equation of the same specification. Province dummies are included but not reported. In this table and subsequent tables, the

Robustness checks

Various tests of the robustness of the income results are reported in Table 7; these tests involve price deflation of income, collinearity of income with other variables, endogeneity of income, and errors in income measurement. Although spatially disaggregated consumer price levels are not available, it is possible to adjust income for differences in cluster food price indices, weighted for the importance of food in household expenditure. Column (a) shows an ordered probit with deflated income

Conclusion

The first question that we posed was to what extent is it absolute income and to what extent relative income that determines happiness. We found a good deal of evidence that both the income of the household and the income of other households influence subjective well-being. Some of our estimates suggest that the latter relative to the former is more important than the former on its own. Second, insofar as relative concepts matter, is it only relative income that counts or are comparisons made

Acknowledgements

We are very grateful to Marcel Fafchamps, John Helliwell, Karla Hoff, Carol Graham, Alan Krueger, Valerie Møller, Frances Stewart, and two anonymous referees for perceptive comments. We are also grateful to participants at the CSAE Conference (Oxford), the NEUDC Conference (Montreal) and the DPRU Conference (Cape Town) for useful feedback. Any errors are ours.

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