ReviewUnderstanding and managing compliance in the nature conservation context
Introduction
Central to nature conservation, from species to ecosystem scales, is the regulation of human activities. Countless regulations are set towards nature conservation; however, noncompliance is often the rule rather than the exception. Illegal wildlife trade; illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing; and illegal timber trade are amongst the largest illicit activities in the world (Haken, 2011). The impacts of noncompliance in the conservation context can be broad. Illegal fishing, for example, affects food security, causes the loss of millions of dollars of catch, and drives overexploitation and environmental degradation (MRAG, 2005). Impacts from noncompliance can be extreme, driving extinctions (Branch et al., 2013, Wilkie et al., 2011), and even the death of poachers and the murder of rangers (Dudley et al., 2013). Surprisingly, compliance receives relatively little focus in the conservation literature when compared to other aspects of conservation. However, key concepts and tools that help understand and manage compliance are dispersed in a wide array of literature, including sociology and economics. This review is aimed at conservation practitioners,1 and it expands on recent contributions by integrating key concepts and tools from other disciplines.
Here, compliance means adherence to rules related to natural resource use and conservation. Compliance can be interpreted as dichotomous or as a gradation of behaviour. As a dichotomy, the term compliance refers to whether a person or system adheres to rules or not. More realistically, as a gradation, compliance refers to the degree of adherence to rules, as when a person breaks some rules but not all, or respects rules most of the time, but not always. A gradation of compliance could be represented by continuous values or categories such as ‘high’, ‘medium’ or ‘low’. So the words ‘compliance’ and ‘noncompliance’ are opposites that, as a dichotomy, allow only two values, or lie at either end of a gradation and allow intermediate values.
Compliance management is improved by understanding the factors describing and causing compliance. Here I explore compliance using the Kiping Method or 5W's (who?, what?, where?, when?, and—perhaps the most vital—why?). I consider each of the W's, focussing on ‘why?’, and then suggest a system for managing compliance (Fig. 1). Because of the breadth of compliance in the nature conservation context this is not intended to be an exhaustive review, but rather one that enriches the literature, and facilitates discussion and, most importantly—action.
Section snippets
The 5W's
Journalists and law enforcement officers typically use the 5W's to gather a complete story. Here I use the same tool, breaking down compliance in the following questions, with no particular order: 1) Who complies (or not)?; 2) What is the noncompliance act?; 3) Where is noncompliance occurring?; 4) When is noncompliance occurring?; and 5) Why is compliance (or noncompliance) occurring?
Managing compliance
Not all people comply, and not all of them comply for the same reasons. Hence there is a need for comprehensive compliance management strategies, even when compliance is prevalent. Compliance can be voluntary or coerced, and each strategy should correspond to a particular type of individual: varying from the always compliant to the repeat and blatant offenders (Fig. 1). Perverse outcomes can arise when a strategy is misapplied. For example, a hiker who unintentionally enters a closed area in a
Conclusion
Noncompliance can render a rule ineffective—defeating the rule's purpose. Nature conservation requires compliance. The concepts and tools that I describe here provide solid foundations for compliance management in the nature conservation context. However, the operationalization of compliance management is context dependent and requires ongoing adaptation. The multiple examples provided in this review demonstrate the diversity of ways in which compliance managers can gather information and
Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Sam Ham for introducing me to and guiding me through the fascinating tangle of human behaviour. I thank Josh Cinner, Brock Bergseth, Jorge Álvarez-Romero, Bob Pressey, Reg Parsons and John Knott for their input. I also express gratitude to the Australian Research Council, and the Australian people for support through AusAID.
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