Counting blessings in early adolescents: An experimental study of gratitude and subjective well-being

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Abstract

The development and manifestation of gratitude in youth is unclear. We examined the effects of a grateful outlook on subjective well-being and other outcomes of positive psychological functioning in 221 early adolescents. Eleven classes were randomly assigned to either a gratitude, hassles, or control condition. Results indicated that counting blessings was associated with enhanced self-reported gratitude, optimism, life satisfaction, and decreased negative affect. Feeling grateful in response to aid mediated the relationship between experimental condition and general gratitude at the 3-week follow-up. The most significant finding was the robust relationship between gratitude and satisfaction with school experience at both the immediate post-test and 3-week follow-up. Counting blessings seems to be an effective intervention for well-being enhancement in early adolescents.

Introduction

Gratitude is not only the greatest of virtues, but the parent of all others.

— Cicero

Ingratitude! thou marble-hearted fiend, more hideous when thou show'st thee in a child than the sea-monster!

— Shakespeare's King Lear

A class of students was asked to identify the Seven Wonders of the World. With some minor disagreement, the following received the most attention: Egypt's great pyramids, Taj Mahal, Grand Canyon, Panama Canal, Empire State Building, St. Peter's Basilica, and China's Great Wall. However, there was one student who did not complete the assignment in time. When her teacher approached her, she stated that she was having some difficulty because there was so much to be grateful for and she could not decide that easily. Upon further inquiry, the student maintained that the Seven Wonders of the World were: to see, to hear, to touch, to taste, to feel, to laugh, and to love (C. Colligan, personal communication, February 27, 2006).

Gratitude can be conceptualized as a virtue or as an emotional state. From the perspectives of moral philosophy and theology, gratitude is seen as a human strength that enhances one's personal and relational well-being and is beneficial for society as a whole (Simmel, 1950). McCullough, Kilpatrick, Emmons, and Larson (2001) theorized that gratitude is a moral affect—that is, one with moral precursors and consequences. They hypothesized that by experiencing gratitude, a person is motivated to carry out prosocial behavior, energized to sustain moral behaviors, and is inhibited from committing destructive interpersonal behaviors. Specifically, they posited that gratitude serves as a moral barometer, providing individuals with an affective readout that accompanies the perception that another person has treated them prosocially. Second, they posited that gratitude serves as a moral motive, stimulating people to behave prosocially after they have been the beneficiaries of other people's prosocial behavior. Third, they posited that gratitude serves as a moral reinforcer, encouraging prosocial behavior by reinforcing people for their previous good deeds. McCullough et al. adduced evidence from a wide variety of studies in personality, social, developmental and evolutionary psychology to support this conceptualization.

As an emotion, gratitude stems from the perception that one has experienced a positive outcome that has been intentionally provided by another person or “moral agent,” often but not necessarily a person (Emmons & McCullough, 2003). The object of gratitude is other-directed to persons, as well as to impersonal (nature) or non-human sources (God, animals, the cosmos). Gratitude may be defined as “a sense of thankfulness and joy in response to receiving a gift, whether the gift be a tangible benefit from a specific other or a moment of peaceful bliss evoked by natural beauty” (Peterson & Seligman, 2004, p. 554). As an emotion, gratitude is an attribution-dependent state that results from two stages of information processing: (a) recognizing that one has obtained a positive outcome; and (b) recognizing that there is an external source for this positive outcome. In the present study, we operationalize gratitude in a manner identical to that followed by Emmons and McCullough (2003) in their gratitude intervention studies. Specifically, we ask school-aged children to focus on things in their lives for which they are grateful or thankful. Previous research has demonstrated this to be an effective strategy for activating grateful thoughts and feelings (Emmons and McCullough, 2003, Sheldon and Lyubomirsky, 2006).

Although embraced by philosophers, theologians, and popular authors, until recently gratitude has been largely ignored by the field of psychology (Emmons, 2004). Moreover, what research there is has been conducted solely with adults, resulting in a dearth of research on gratitude with children and adolescent populations. Given gratitude's relationship to happiness, hope, pride, optimism, positive mood, self-actualization, smooth interpersonal relationships, and a sense of community (Emmons & Shelton, 2002), a rigorous investigation of this positive emotion is vital if optimal psychological growth among early/late adolescents is to be fully understood. To this end, the purpose of the present investigation was to make the first attempt at determining the relationship between gratitude inducing behaviors (e.g., counting blessings) and well-being within an early adolescent population.

Developmental theorists from Melanie Klein to the present considered gratitude a capacity present from birth that develops as the child's cognitive and emotional systems mature. Klein (1957) viewed gratitude as a developmental achievement and hallmark of emotional maturity that “underlies the appreciation of goodness in others and in oneself” (Klein, p. 187). Research has shown that children's comprehension of gratitude is a process played out over several years. More specifically, gratitude does not appear to occur regularly in response to receiving benefits until middle childhood (Emmons & Shelton, 2002). Gleason and Weintraub (1976), for example, found that few children (i.e., 21%) younger than 6 years of age expressed thanks to adults who gave them candy, whereas most children (i.e., more than 80%) of 10 years of age or older expressed gratitude in the same situation. Based on these data, it appears that the link between attributions of responsibility for positive outcomes, the experience of gratitude, and the desire to do good to one's benefactor probably is solidified between ages 7 and 10 (see also Graham and Weiner, 1986, Weiner and Graham, 1988, for reviews). The developmental research that exists has focused nearly exclusively on children's understanding of the situational antecedents of gratitude or their beliefs about gratitude as an emotion concept (e.g., Russell & Paris, 1994), not the actual experience of gratitude.

A notable exception that examined gratitude-inducing experiences in children was a recent study that analyzed archival (newspaper) accounts of what school-aged children said they were thankful for in the aftermath of September 11th, 2001 (Gordon, Musher-Eizenman, Holub, & Dalrymple, 2004). The most common themes mentioned were family, friends, police, firefighters, other helpers, and freedom. Girls were generally more thankful than boys, and were more thankful for family and friends, whereas boys were more grateful for material objects. The study did not examine the link between gratitude and outcomes such as happiness, well-being, or coping, however. It remains to be seen whether counting blessings impacts on children's well-being in a manner similar to adults.

Be it as a state or trait emotion, gratitude has clearly been linked to subjective-well being. Indeed, happy people tend to be grateful people (Watkins, 2004). Moreover, expressing gratitude seems to intensify our already felt positive affect in response to being the beneficiary to a benefactor's kind behavior (e.g., giving a gift). “It is as if our enjoyment is incomplete unless some praise or gratitude is expressed to the source of our enjoyment” (Watkins, p. 167). Subsequently, capitalizing on positive experiences by processing them post hoc seems to be psychologically beneficial. Indeed, the ability to notice positive occurrences in one's life and to enjoy them allows us to have more fulfilling experiences (Langston, 1994).

A variety of emotional benefits resulting from a simple practice of gratitude have been demonstrated in previous research. In an experimental manipulation, college students who kept gratitude journals on a weekly basis exercised more regularly, reported fewer physical symptoms, felt better about their lives as a whole, and were more optimistic about the upcoming week compared to those who recorded hassles or neutral life events (Emmons & McCullough, 2003, Study 1). In a daily gratitude journal-keeping exercise (Emmons & McCullough, Study 2) with college students higher reported levels of the positive states of alertness, enthusiasm, determination, attentiveness and energy resulted compared to a focus on hassles or a downward social comparison (ways in which participants thought they were better off than others). Participants in the daily gratitude condition were more likely to report having helped someone with a personal problem or having offered emotional support to another, relative to the hassles or social comparison condition. This indicates that, relative to a focus on complaints, an effective strategy for producing reliably higher levels of pleasant affect is to lead people to reflect, daily, on those aspects of their lives for which they are grateful. In a third study, Emmons and McCullough replicated these effects in adults with neuromuscular diseases. Not only did patients in the grateful condition show an advantage in positive affect and life satisfaction in self-reports, but also in the reports of significant others. These studies support the contention that gratitude has a causative influence on subjective well-being, but we do not know whether these same effects would be seen in younger populations.

Adolescence is a period of significant change physically, socially, emotionally, and intellectually (Freud, 1958). Early adolescents often appear and behave more like children (e.g., latency), whereas late adolescents mature and begin to engage in behaviors more typical of adults. The fact is they are neither. Rather, this is a transitional period between childhood and adulthood and, as with most transition periods, negotiation is difficult (Holmbeck & Kendall, 2002). Indeed, given the tumultuous nature of this developmental period, early adolescence is oftentimes associated with an increase in familial distancing, relational disruption, and even depression (Silverberg and Steinberg, 1990, Steinberg, 1987). Moreover, since adolescents experience rapid shifts in mood and extreme positive and negative affective valence (Myers, 1992), coupled often with feelings of disconnect, they may have difficulty sustaining an even level of positive affect.

Notwithstanding, if one looks at adolescence from a developmental perspective where both change and growth can occur one can view it in a more malleable and positive fashion. Specifically, in a period of change an opportunity is present for negative outcomes, stagnation, or positive psychological growth (Cicchetti & Toth, 1996, as cited in Cicchetti & Rogosch, 2002). What variables influence this change? Factors such as poor school performance, difficulty at home and other negative experiences are likely to lead to more disruptions (Petersen, Compas, & Brooks-Gunn, 1993). However, it stands to reason that positive experiences such as family cohesion, strong parental and peer bonds, and academic success or perceptions (e.g., optimism; i.e., Seligman, 1995) would lessen mood disruptions and enhance life experiences (Langston, 1994).

Therefore, capitalizing on one's strengths and fostering positive attributes (e.g., gratitude and optimism) may buffer against such negative outcomes and the development of psychological maladies (Masten, 2001, Seligman, 1995). To illustrate, life satisfaction mediates the relationship between parenting style and adolescent problem behavior (Suldo & Huebner, 2004a) and moderates stressful life events and externalizing disorders (Suldo & Huebner, 2004b). Furthermore, happy adolescents tend to report fewer symptoms of depression and anxiety (Gilman & Huebner, 2003) and less substance abuse (Zullig, Valois, & Huebner, 2001) and violent behaviors (e.g., physical fighting and weapon carrying; i.e., Valois, Zullig, & Huebner, 2001). Though adolescence can be described as turbulent and stressful on both the adolescents themselves and the family system as a whole (Freud, 1958), happiness and well-being may mitigate these effects and buffer future occurrences.

To summarize, the empirical study of gratitude in children is largely uncharted territory. Furthermore, and to the point of this study, it is unknown whether gratitude is an innate feeling that may be manifested differently as a function of developmental stage and sex of the child, whether gratitude can be cultivated on a regular basis, and if so, in what ways does it influence positive psychological functioning. Gordon et al. (2004) suggest that classroom discussions and exercise in which children are encouraged to reflect on the sources of gratitude in their own lives may be effective in supporting positive development in children.

To this end, the primary purpose of the current study was to partially replicate Emmons and McCullough (2003) with an early adolescent population. Following their methodology, we randomly assigned classes of 6th and 7th graders to either a gratitude, hassles, or control condition for a period of 2 weeks and then examined the effect of the intervention on psychological, physical, and social well-being at both an immediate post-test and 3-week follow-up. Given gratitude's relationship to well-being in adult samples and that gratitude may begin to develop in early adolescence it makes logical sense that counting one's blessings within early adolescence will, indeed, be related to well-being and other positive outcomes (e.g., prosocial behavior). Subsequently, we hypothesized that the gratitude induction (i.e., counting blessings) will be related to greater subjective well-being, appreciation toward aid, prosocial behavior, and fewer physical symptoms when compared to those participants who either focus on irritants or serve as controls. Furthermore, we hoped that providing adolescents gratitude fostering techniques would be valuable in helping them achieve sustainable well-being.

Section snippets

Participants

The sample consisted of 221 middle school students in grades 6 and 7 (Mean age = 12.17, SD = .67) who were enrolled in mandatory curriculum (gratitude: n = 76, hassles: n = 80, control: n = 65). All classes (i.e., 11 total) presently enrolled in this curriculum were asked to participate. There were 49.8% males and 40.7% females (9.5% failed to report their sex) with the majority being Caucasian (68.9%). One class in the control group did not complete the measures during one of the daily collections

Results

Due to the conceptually replicating nature of the current study, analyses by Emmons and McCullough (2003) were used as a guide; however, additional analyses were conducted given the use of supplementary measures and alternative hypotheses. If post or follow-up data were missing, a very conservative approach assuming no change from pre-test scores was followed and pre-test scores were entered in place of the missing post-test or follow-up data. This was done for all dependent variables. It

Discussion

Gratitude, in the form of counting one's blessings, has been shown to be related to subjective well-being (Emmons and McCullough, 2003, Watkins, 2004). However, until now, research examining this relationship had been restricted to adult populations. Though the correlates of life satisfaction within a middle school sample have been investigated (Huebner, Valois, Paxton, & Drane, 2006), a study employing the direct manipulation of gratitude and examining its relationship to well-being in an

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    We are most grateful to Andrew Greene, Principal, and the teachers Lois Krawitz, Ellen Gryszkin, and Susan Hart for their support and assistance with collecting data. Sincere thanks are extended to Peter D'Elena for his help in organizing the study in its initial stages. We appreciate Robert Pianta's feedback on an earlier draft of this manuscript. Finally, we are grateful to the perceptive comments from an anonymous reviewer, especially the suggested revamping of the mediational model. This article was accepted under Dr. Pianta's editorship.

    1

    Jeffrey J. Froh was affiliated with St. Joseph's College, Patchogue, New York during the initial stages of this study.

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