Division of labour and gender differences in metropolitan car use: An empirical study in Cologne, Germany

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Abstract

This paper suggests the need for a broader view of `gender and transport' by presenting a study of gender differences in car use for maintenance travel. Although many more women are now entering the labour force than a few decades ago, they still have to undertake the larger share of household-related work. The main objective of this paper is to assess the impact of these changing gender roles on travel patterns and in particular on car use for maintenance travel. We used the survey and trip diary data of 949 respondents living in two urban and two suburban neighbourhoods of the Cologne metropolitan area. The empirical findings suggest that labour market and maintenance activities influence car use in different directions. While parenthood reduces the odds of car use by women, it increases men's car use. Labour force participation on the other hand, especially when part-time, intensifies car use for both genders. In short, a levelling influence of paid work and a traditionalizing influence of parenthood regarding car use for maintenance travel was found.

Introduction

In the course of the last 20 years, the topic of `gender and transport' has attracted increasing attention from the scientific community. Starting with a feminist critique of the gender-blind approach to transport and mobility issues (Giuliano, 1979; Rosenbloom, 1978a, Rosenbloom, 1978b, for example), a new spate of research emerged. Scholars from different social sciences rejected the assumption of a `neuter commuter' and began to examine gendered patterns of mobility, unequal access to resources, and differences in modal choice. Soon the new research split into two separate strands, both starting from the viewpoint of female transport disadvantage (see Law, 1999, 569ff), but with one concentrating on the constraints of female mobility by `women's fear' of male sexual violence (for examples, see Pain, 1991; Valentine, 1989; Trench and Tiesdel, 1992), and the other analysing gender differences in the journey to work (see Madden, 1981; Hanson and Johnston, 1985; Pickup, 1989). While this emphasis on two important aspects of gendered transport behaviour facilitated fruitful and efficient research, it also narrowed the researchers' view and overshadowed other mobility issues (see for example Kloas and Kunert, 1994a, Kloas and Kunert, 1994b and Buhr, 1999 for the national travel survey KONTIV in Germany or Hamilton and Jenkins, 2000 and DETR, 1998 for the National Travel Survey in Great Britain). Although the gendered division of labour is identified as an important factor influencing mobility, the usual approach is to view domestic work merely as a constraint of labour-force participation and the related transport. Consequently, gendered household arrangements are related to the journey-to-work in an oversimplified way instead of including travel for household related work in a more detailed analysis (for an exception see Hanson and Pratt, 1995).

In recent years, however, researchers have paid attention to the increasing motorization of women and have therefore asked whether the concept of `transport disadvantage' is still appropriate for describing and analysing female mobility (Dowling, 2000; Hjorthol, 2000; Root and Schintler, 1999; for example). This paper seeks to contribute to this field of research by presenting a quantitative study of maintenance mobility in Cologne, Germany. The main aim of the study was to show how the gendered division of labour affects travel for maintenance purposes. In addition to a descriptive analysis of the most relevant patterns of maintenance mobility, we investigated more specifically the impact of gender and household attributes on car use for maintenance travel. We focused the analysis on car use since this is probably the most important indicator for travel related environmental impacts. Two observations broach the question whether the new division of labour leads ultimately to increased car usage by women for maintenance. First, the diminishing differences between men and women with respect to available financial resources and to travel needs, because of the increasing participation and equivalent position of women in the labour market. We may therefore expect women's car usage to adjust to men's: that is, it will increase. Second, although women, like men, participate frequently in the labour market, in most families housework remains unequally distributed between the genders. Women therefore experience onerous time pressure in seeking to fulfil their employment and maintenance tasks. One strategy of coping with the severe time pressure can be the use of travel modes usually considered faster or more convenient, such as a private car. In particular, we ask whether car use by men and women differs with respect to maintenance tasks and how the division of labour within the household affects car use.

The paper is organized as follows. First, a theoretical framework for the impact of the division of labour on mobility is presented. We discuss recent changes in the division of household responsibilities by an increasing share of women in paid employment and the impact on maintenance mobility (Section 2). In Section 3, methodical issues and the data to be analysed are described. In Section 4, we present empirical data on the division of labour and travel behaviour. The core of the study, Section 5, documents our analyses of car use for maintenance tasks. Gender differences in car use for the journey to work are revealed; finally, gender differences and the influence of the division of labour on car use for maintenance purposes are considered. The paper ends with some conclusions.

Section snippets

Maintenance and mobility

Earlier research has shown that there are significant differences between the genders in Western societies regarding the journey to work. Women usually have shorter work-trips, use public transport more frequently, and tend to trip-chain more often than men (for example the Household Activity-Travel Simulator, Jones et al., 1983; more recently, see Hjorthol, 2000 for Norway; Rosenbloom, 1998 and McGuckin and Murakami, 1999 for USA; Root and Schintler, 1999 for UK and USA). A major reason for

Data and methods

For the empirical analysis, we used a data set collected with reference to several aspects of mobility in four residential neighbourhoods of Cologne between April and July 1997 (Fig. 1). To collect the data, face-to-face interviews were carried out with 949 residents with German citizenship, aged 18 or older. For the purposes of the survey, the city council provided a register-based random sample of 2216 people living in the four neighbourhoods. At 46%, the net response rate is satisfactorily

Travel patterns for maintenance

In this section, we consider the differences in people's daily travel patterns in relation to an unequal division of labour between the genders. We proceed here in three steps: first, we compare the overall trip frequency of men and women by trip purpose. Second, we consider the impact of parenthood on trip frequencies; finally, we describe how the number of trips undertaken in the company of children is affected by gender and labour force participation. We refer throughout this section to the

Car use for maintenance and paid work

The private car is, as expected, the dominant mode of transport for duties, the term encapsulating travel for commuting and for maintenance: of all duty trips, 46% are covered by car, 10% by public transport, and 43% by walking or cycling. When type of duty is distinguished, 57% of the commuting trips, but only 36% of the maintenance trips are covered by car. Besides travel habits and the bondage of matutinal punctuality, the trip length can explain some of these differences in car use: work

Conclusion

In recent years more and more women have entered the labour force and so the traditional division of labour between the genders males responsible for wage labour and women responsible for household work is no longer self-evident. Sociologists observe a detraditionalization of gender roles and household responsibilities. However, an increasing participation of women in the labour force coincides with only a relatively small reduction in women's household responsibilities. Women retain more

Acknowledgements

The authors wish to express their gratitude to the Deutsche Bundesstiftung Umwelt, Osnabrück (Germany) and the Wuppertal Institute for Climate, Environment and Energy, Wuppertal (Germany) for the financial support that made this study possible. Martin Lanzendorf was also partly supported by the Urban Research centre Utrecht at Utrecht University (The Netherlands). Earlier drafts of this paper have benefited from comments by Anke Gerhardt, Tim Schwanen, Christof Wolf, Robbert Zandvliet and two

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