“I am like a deaf, dumb and blind person”: Mobility and immobility of Chinese (im)migrants in Flushing, Queens, New York City
Introduction
This paper attempts to complicate the conceptualization of mobility by interrogating its relations to locality and intentionality. Accessibility suggests the relationship between people and destinations, whereas mobility suggests the relationship between self and others, as well as between people and themselves. Mobility is relational (Cass et al., 2005, Urry, 2007, Urry, 2012), contextual (Kaufmann et al., 2004, Adey, 2006, Schwanen, 2006) and humanistic (Adey, 2010, Cresswell, 2010, Cresswell, 2011, Jensen, 2011). However, mobility is easily taken for granted as accessibility—the ability to reach destinations. Accordingly, it is measured by time and distance of trips, facilitated by the accessibility to transport resources such as car ownership and public transportation system. Highly mobile people are defined as those who travel the furthest and most frequently, whereas the spatial mismatch hypothesis reveals immobility among disadvantaged population groups, due to the decentralization of employment and a subsequent lower number of work-related trips (Kain, 1968, Liu and Painter, 2011). However, the ability to travel only tells a partial story of mobility, what is equally important but less discussed is the intentionality to move. This paper proposes the concept of voluntary immobility to examine the dialectal relationships between locality and mobility. Locality mitigates involuntary immobility by providing accessibility (Barnes, 2003, Coutard et al., 2004, Liu and Painter, 2011, Motte-Baumvol and Nassi, 2012). But paradoxically, it also cultivates voluntary immobility that deters the transformation of potential mobility into actual mobility and leads to possible social exclusion. If not considering locality, proximity can be mistaken as immobility; if not considering intentionality, accessibility can be mistaken as mobility. The failure to recognize the difference between mobility and accessibility further leads to a narrowly focused transportation policy that targets public transportation and automobility (Fol et al., 2007, Lucas, 2012).
The extensive literature on mobility, migration and ethnic clusters mostly focus on the socioeconomic mobility, but few research has directly engaged with everyday physical mobility. Ample evidence has indicated that lack of accessibility to transport resources is the major mobility constraint confronted by ethnic minority population groups (Blumenberg and Evans, 2007, Blumenberg and Shiki, 2007, Donahue and Rodier, 2008, Chatman and Klein, 2009, Lo et al., 2011, Bose, 2014). This paper complicates this observation, as it argues that the immobility is not always due to lack of accessibility, but a result of structural barriers to resources in the broader society which lead to overdependence on local resources. While social networks and informal transport modes are major coping strategies for increasing immigrants' accessibility (Valenzuela et al., 2005, Chatman and Klein, 2009, Blumenberg and Smart, 2014, Lovejoy and Handy, 2011), further examinations on interrelations between ethnic concentrations and mobility are largely lacking, particularly explorations of the intentionality of mobility. Drawing on a case study among recent Chinese (im)migrants1 living in Flushing, Queens in New York City, this paper contributes to a place-based approach to everyday mobility patterns of (im)migrants in urban settings, by exploring the following questions: 1) What are mobility and immobility patterns of Chinese (im)migrants in Flushing?; 2) What are their constraints, resources and coping strategies for mobility?; 3) How do ethnic clusters and its mobile resources affect people's travel motivation and behavior? This paper also provides insights into the (im)migrants' daily mobility as an embodied experience from a bottom-up perspective as they carry national, racial and cultural identity while interacting with the urban environment.
This paper begins with a review of two veins of relevant literature: the first on immigrant mobility, ethnic clusters and transportation equity, and the second on the contextual understandings of mobility. The paper then introduces the study area, data collection and methods. The next section presents the mobility patterns and constraints among Chinese (im)migrants in Flushing, followed by the section that discusses how ethnic clusters affect people's travel behavior and intentions. The mobility constraints of the people, combined with the accessibility of place, nurture the voluntary immobility that hinders social engagement beyond the community. Finally, this paper will conclude with a presentation and discussion of the major results.
Section snippets
Mobility, migration and locality
What distinguishes mobility from movements is “ility”. It is an ability to move, the ability to overcome friction and distance and to decide when, where, and how to move; it is a resource that can be accessed by some but not others. Mobility is capital, the variations of which are structured by gender, ethnicity, age and social class (Kaufmann et al., 2004). Extensive studies have been conducted on transportation equity and its social implications (Kenyon et al., 2002, Cass et al., 2005,
Towards a contextual understanding of mobility
This paper argues that accessibility and mobility are distinct concepts. The failure to recognize the differences between the two causes the danger of a narrow concept of social exclusion, a simple dichotomy of mobility and immobility, and an accessibility focused transport policy. Accessibility is the ability to access specific resources and infrastructure. It is a relationship between people and objects. Accessibility relates to the material availability of resources and physical
Study area
New York City has been a traditional gateway city for Chinese immigrants since the early 19th century. It has the largest Chinese population among the U.S. cities (US Census Bureau, 2010); in 2010, Chinese comprised 6% of the total population, 11.4% of the foreign-born population in New York City, and will soon surpass Dominicans as the largest immigrant group in the city (New York Department of City Planning, 2013). However, in comparison with Chinese throughout the entire U.S., Chinese in the
The paradox of mobile place and immobile people
Flushing is a mobile place. It is very well connected to the city, to the region and to the world. However, the daily paths of the Chinese (im)migrants in Flushing are geographically concentrated within the neighborhood boundaries. Chen, 73, retired in China and followed her son to the U.S. four years ago. Initially, she lived with her son in suburban Philadelphia. Unable to drive or speak English, she felt as though she was “living in prison”. She moved to a family hotel in Flushing three
Ethnic mobile resources
In addition to public transportation resources, Flushing also has a plethora of ethnic mobile resources that provide flexible, cheap and Chinese friendly travel experience. Chinatown vans (Fig. 2) connect Flushing to other Chinese communities in New York City. They run from 7 am to 11 pm every 20 min. The Chinatown van company has around sixty vans to Manhattan Chinatown and forty vans to Brooklyn Chinatown. Each van runs three times a day. People take vans for daily commuting, visiting friends
Conclusions and discussions
What differs mobility from accessibility are its social, relational and humanistic dimensions. This paper attempts to bring focus to intentionality of mobility and its relations to locality. Without considering locality, stillness is easily mistaken for immobility; without considering intentionality, accessibility is easily equated to mobility. It is not the lack of transport resources that causes immobility among Chinese (im)migrants in Flushing. What limit their activity space are beyond
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