Elsevier

Poetics

Volume 32, Issues 3–4, June–August 2004, Pages 297-310
Poetics

Meaning and membership: samples in rap music, 1979–1995

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.poetic.2004.05.006Get rights and content

Abstract

This paper uses art works as the units of analysis to examine the constitution of a musical art world. I utilize data from rap music – a successful genre with a non-traditional musical score comprised of lyrics, music and samples of other recordings. In particular, I analyze the use of 750 musical samples in 473 rap songs that appeared on the weekly Billboard Top 100 R&B Singles charts from 1979 to 1995. Valuation of rap music rests in part on qualities of sample use. In particular, the qualities of samples include the identifiability of source material, the cost of its use, technical amenability to the process (pragmatic distinction), and musical or political attributes (symbolic distinction). These valuations tell listeners how to sort rappers into artistic circles, or sub-genres. These valuations and signals shift over time, as do the boundaries of these artistic circles. In sum, rap artists use samples to assert meaning and identity, just as other artists use literary reference or allegory. This study offers novel data for studying meaning and membership in creative industries.

Introduction

Since White and White (1965) sociologists of culture have emphasized the networked character of art worlds (Anheier et al., 1995, Becker, 1982, Faulkner, 1983, Fine, 1992, Giuffre, 1999, Kadushin, 1976, White, 1993). In networked art worlds, groups of artists explore the expression of certain ideas; aid each other in the execution and perfection of form; and share advice, gossip, practice and performance space, and fans. Networking is a sorting process wherein homophilous tastes are matched. It is also a productive process, as artists and audience members manifest tastes in order to gain membership to one or more groups. These artistic circles provide a context for competition and cooperation among artists, and they produce in part the modes of apperception, or distinctions, used to evaluate art works. Artists and audience members within these circles teach each other what is “valuable” about a particular performance. Distinction operates on and within art works, and some of these distinctions adhere in the art works themselves.

Becker (1982: 36) argued that “by observing how an art world makes…distinctions…we can understand much of what goes on in that world.” How do sociologists observe art worlds making distinctions? Surveys, participant observation, ethnography have all been utilized to tap into how individuals and groups perceive difference. However, at the heart of how we think about distinction are cultural meanings embedded in the objects themselves. In this article, I model data from rap music production that directly measures these cultural meanings.

In rap music, samples – prerecorded sonic performances that are subsequently used in new songs – function as some of rap’s musical notes and capture processes of distinction. As part of rap’s musical score, samples document patterns of distinction between groups of musicians. Rappers use particular samples to distinguish themselves from, and draw similarities to, other artists. In this way, rappers create musical links to others in their artistic circle. Consequently, an examination of the patterning of particular samples in rap songs depicts an art world by utilizing the links among artworks themselves.

Section snippets

Samples in rap music

Samples played a role in the earliest form of rap music production. In the early 1970s, “break dancers” created their style from freestyle movements made during the instrumental breaks between choruses of disco songs, but DJs (i.e., disc jockeys) working at clubs and parties soon realized the short breaks (several seconds long) limited dancers’ performances. Rap DJ Kool Herc solved the problem one night in 1974: “I’m watching the crowd and I was seeing everybody on the sidelines waiting for

Data

The data for this article consist of rap songs and the samples within them. I collected all rap songs that appeared on the weekly Top 100 R&B Billboard charts between January 1, 1979 and December 31, 1995. These charts detail the most successful singles (i.e., hit songs) in a given week in terms of sales and radio airplay. Designations of hit songs as rap (as distinct from other forms of r&b) were taken, in part, from Whitburn (1996). In this text, some r&b hits are marked as having rap

Legal, financial and political concerns with the use of samples in rap music

Patterns in the use of samples in rap music cannot speak to all of the legal, financial and political constraints facing rappers. Artists must navigate legal requirements and corporate bureaucracies successfully in order to engage in the work of artistic distinction through sampling.

When rap was first recorded, the limited visibility of the genre, the relatively small profits involved, and the high legal costs of pursuing the illegal sampling of copyrighted songs made enforcing copyright

Pragmatic and symbolic distinction

Rap artists want to use the “best” samples for the least cost, but the valuation of samples is a complex process that extends beyond cost and includes sonic, personal, and political decisions. In this section, I examine the patterning of sample use and evaluate how these patterns relate to mechanisms of distinction. These mechanisms of distinction are how rap artists navigate membership in artistic circles. After documenting general patterns in the use of samples over time, I will examine the

Conclusion: of art objects, artistic circles, and the study of culture

How can sociologists examine the construction of networked art worlds using signals embedded in art works? At present, conventional sociological methods rely on reports organized by participants or observers of an art world (artists, gatekeepers, consumers and sociologists) and delivered to us via surveys, interviews, and observation. Datasets of musical scores provide excellent new opportunities to extend the field into what is conventionally viewed as the musicological realm.

Art worlds

Acknowledgements

Portions of this work are found in Lena (2003). The author wishes to thank Harrison White for the inspiration for this research, and Peter S. Bearman, Tim Dowd, Gina Neff, Richard A. Peterson and Emanuel Steiner for their contributions.

Jennifer C. Lena is Assistant Professor of Sociology at Vanderbilt University. She received her PhD in Sociology from Columbia University in 2003. Her research focuses on rap music’s social networks, particularly those constructed from occupational, affective, and sonic affiliations. Her research interests also include the dynamics of artistic prestige and innovation, artistic labor markets and social stratification.

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    Jennifer C. Lena is Assistant Professor of Sociology at Vanderbilt University. She received her PhD in Sociology from Columbia University in 2003. Her research focuses on rap music’s social networks, particularly those constructed from occupational, affective, and sonic affiliations. Her research interests also include the dynamics of artistic prestige and innovation, artistic labor markets and social stratification.

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