Childhood experience in forest recreation practices: Evidence from nine European countries

Highlights

• Childhood forest recreational experience has a strong impact on forest recreational practices at adulthood.

• Individuals who were frequent visitors during childhood are more likely to be frequent forest visitors in adulthood.

• Individuals living in rural areas are more likely to be frequent forest visitors.

• Living closer to forest sites increases the likelihood of forest visitation frequency.

• There is evident variation of forest visitation frequency between the European countries included in the study.

Abstract

This study examines the role of childhood experience in forest recreational practices at adulthood. It investigates the effect of visitation frequency and type of settlement during childhood on frequency of visits at adulthood and analyses variations in nine European countries including Austria, Czech Republic, Switzerland, Germany, Denmark, France, Poland, Slovakia, and UK. The data are collected through a representative online survey and results are based on a generalized ordered logit model in which frequency of forest visits is considered as an ordered categorical variable. Childhood experience is found to be a significant factor determining frequency of forest visits at adulthood. In addition, current residential settlement, distance to the nearest forest, and other socioeconomic factors influence frequency of forest visits. The study findings show the importance of forest accessibility to children for a development of better recreational habits that support active mobility, sustainability and healthy lifestyles.

Introduction

Many studies indicate how children’s contact with nature, such as forests, could improve their psychological wellbeing and cognitive skills (see Bjork et al., 2008; Fuller et al., 2007; McCurdy et al., 2010; Miller, 2005; Wilson, 2003). Limited time spent by children outdoors, and particularly in nature areas, may result in restricted use of nature amenities during their adulthood and lead to adverse health effects (Coon et al., 2011; Jacobs et al., 2008; Thompson et al., 2008). This problem emerges since, nowadays, children are spending less time in nature and semi-nature areas (Godbey, 2009; Kong, 2000; Skår and Krogh, 2009; Valentine and McKendrick, 1997). Access to modern social media technology and indoor playing equipment on the one hand and parental fear to allow their children for unsupervised playing opportunities on the other, have reduced children’s time to be spent in nature areas (see Fjørtoft, 2001; Godbey, 2009; McCurdy et al., 2010). According to Larson et al. (2011), interest in internet or messaging, watching or playing video games, DVDs or TV, and listening to music have become the most important reasons for children not to spend leisure time outdoors.

Recently, Pamela et al. (2016) elaborate how childhood nature exposure is related to adulthood mental wellbeing through fostering nature exposure in adulthood. According to Bixler et al. (2002) children playing in nature areas could develop better exploring skills and sense of autonomy; and such experiences are long lasting and can create stronger emotional attachment to nature areas in adulthood. Olds (1989) explains that adults’ recollections of healing places are rooted in their childhood outdoor experiences. All in all, the association between recreational experience in nature and effects on health is well documented (Dalton et al., 2016; James et al., 2016; Zhang et al., 2017), nonetheless to the causality pathways which are still debatable (Lachowycz and Jones, 2013).

Outdoor recreation has been found to significantly affect individuals’ environmental behaviours and attitudes in general (Berns and Simpson, 2009; Michael and Gary, 2010; Teisl and O’brien, 2003; Theodori et al., 1998). For instance, Rosa et al. (2018) show how childhood nature experience has a long-lasting effect on adulthood pro-environmental behaviour. Similarly, Cleary et al. (2018) point out how childhood experience could influence one’s nature connectedness in general. Furthermore, some studies outline how a strong connection with nature during childhood could foster individuals’ positive attitudes towards the intrinsic values of nature (see Bell et al., 2003; Lohr and Pearson-Mims, 2000, 2005).

Regarding the childhood-adulthood association in nature recreation, Bixler et al. (2002) elaborate how recreational activities in adulthood are influenced by the outdoor experience during childhood. According to Asah et al. (2011), participation in nature-based recreation during childhood reinforces motivation and mitigates constraints of outdoor recreation in adulthood. Similarly, McFarlane et al. (1998) show that when children are more experienced with nature areas, they also tend to appreciate more natural and less managed recreational sites in their adulthood. In addition, experienced nature recreationists are found to prefer difficult and challenging routes. Wells and Lekies (2006) confirm similar recreational behaviour being observed among adolescents, i.e. those who had more opportunity playing in wilderness areas during childhood are more likely to prefer wildland walking paths and are more tolerant to the lack of modern recreational facilities. Through conducting in-depth interviews, Lovelock et al. (2016) underline the significance of childhood nature recreation experience in fostering enduring participation at adulthood.

Childhood outdoor experience is also a good predictor of the frequency of forest recreational visits in adulthood, as shown in Thompson et al. (2008). More frequent forest visitors are found to be those who had already been frequent visitors in their childhood. Less frequent visitors were those who had none or limited outdoor recreational experience during childhood. Similarly, Acharya et al. (2009) found the frequency of visits to a wilderness area in adulthood being determined by past wilderness experience. According to Acharya et al. (2009) and Nawas and Platt (1965), the impact of childhood experience on the recreational habits later in life can be described through nostalgic behaviour. Acharya et al. (2009) show nostalgia being one of the main determinants of visitation frequency to wilderness areas.

These previous studies outline the importance of childhood experience in outdoor recreational practices at adulthood, commonly in a qualitative explanation. Thompson et al. (2008) showed the childhood experience being significant in determining adults’ frequency of outdoor recreation in green spaces. Based on a correlation analysis, and ignoring predictors, the study revealed that visitation frequency in adulthood is positively correlated with recreation frequency during childhood.

Therefore, the present study contributes to this body of literature by analysing the childhood-adulthood relationship in forest recreation, exploring more predictive variables and covering many countries. The main objective of the study is to analyse the role of childhood experience (along with other covariates) in determining the frequency of forest visits. The study is conducted using survey data from nine European countries including Austria, Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Germany, Poland, Slovakia, Switzerland, and United Kingdom. It aims to address three research questions: 1) How does childhood forest experience (i.e. frequency of visits and/or type of residential settlement during childhood) influence the frequency of forest visits at adulthood? 2) What is the role of other determinants of forest visitation frequency? and 3) To what extent does adulthood frequency of forest visitation varies among the nine European countries? It is hypothesised that childhood forest experience plays a significant role in determining the level of forest visitation frequency at adulthood. Likewise, people who have grown up in rural areas tend to have a higher frequency of visits and, that individuals currently living in rural areas are more likely to visit forests more frequently.