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Hegel, Tocqueville, and “Individualism”

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

Abstract

Critics of liberal individualism have pointed out the many failures of “atomism” as a method in social and political philosophy. Their methodological criticisms have a tendency, however, to devolve into repudiations of moral individualism as such. In part, this is due to a misreading of Hegel and Tocqueville, two critics of individualism who nevertheless upheld the importance of individual rights and what Hegel called “freedom of subjectivity.” My essay brings these two very different theorists together in order to show how each deliberately dispensed with the ontology inherited from eighteenth-century social contract theory, the better to focus on associational life and public freedom. The end result is not a relapse into the rhetoric of civic republicanism, but a refurbishment of that tradition from the standpoint of modern liberty: the liberty of the individual. This common project links Hegel, the idealist philosopher, and Tocqueville, the liberal-republican, in unexpected but complementary ways.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 2005

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References

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2. See Lukes, Stephen, Individualism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1973)Google Scholar for a concise analytical and historical survey of the various (moral, methodological, epistemological, and political) strands of “individualism.”

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4. It would, however, be hard to think of a 18th or nineteenth-century philosopher more methodologically self-aware than Hegel.

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13. As Siedentop notes, Tocqueville's use of the American example to overcome the sovereign model of power that dominated the European political mind from the time of Hobbes and Bodin can be seen as his greatest theoretical innovation. See Siedentop, Larry, Tocqueville (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 41Google Scholar.

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17. Ibid., p. 99; Pléiade edition.

18. Of course, Tocqueville admired the habit of self-reliance he found in the Americans, but largely because it inured them to the siren song of a tutelary state, one that ministered to all their needs, whether public or private.

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38. Tocqueville's chapter on the necessity of “dogmatic” beliefs (DA2, bk. 1, chap. 2) ends, however, by reiterating his concerns about the potentially “despotic” rule of “authoritative” public opinion.

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42. See DA1, p. 300; also DA2, p. 21.Google Scholar

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49. DA2, bk. 2, chaps. 5–7.

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52. These functions comprise, in part, the activity of the polizei in Hegel's conception of civil society.

53. Hegel, PR, sec. 260. It is important to note at the outset Hegel's distinction between the political state (der politische Staat mentioned in sec. 267) and the state as ethical totality. The former comprised the legal apparatus, governmental powers, and coercive authority we normally identify with “the state,” while the latter pointed to the collective ethical life of a specific, differentiated form of political community. See Pelczynski's, essay “The Hegelian Conception of the State” in Pelczynski, Z. A., editor, Hegel's Political Philosophy: Problems and Perspectives (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1971), pp. 129Google Scholar.

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55. Tocqueville, , DA2, p. 319Google Scholar; Pléiade edition, p. 837Google Scholar.

56. This assessment has been made from the most diverse ideological standpoints. See, for example, Eberly, Don, editor, The Essential Civil Society Reader (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2000)Google Scholar and Cohen, Jean and Arato, Andrew, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

57. In his Introduction to Hegel's Political Writings, Lawrence Dickey presents Hegel as intensely committed to the principle of popular participation, if not self-government. This is a useful corrective to the usual “statist” interpretations, but I think Allen Wood is more on target when he observes (in his Editor's Introduction to PR) that “Hegel plainly intends real political power to be in the hands neither of the prince nor of the people, but of an educated class of professional civil servants” (p. xxiv).

58. Hegel, G. W. F., Political Writings, ed. Pelczynski, Zbignew (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964), pp. 163–64Google Scholar.

59. Ibid. See p. 161, where Hegel writes of the ideal state in “recent theories”: “a state is a machine with a single spring which imparts movement to all the rest of the infinite wheelwork.” Cf. PR, sec. 303.

60. For the Tocqueville/Weber connection, see Mayer, J. P., Alexis de Tocqueville (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1960)Google Scholar. For the Hegel/Weber connection, see Dallmayr's, Fred essay “Max Weber and the Modern State” in The Barbarism of Reason: Max Weber and the Twilight of Enlightenment, ed. Horowitz, Asher and Maley, Terry (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994), pp. 4967Google Scholar.

61. Hegel, , PR, addition to sec. 290Google Scholar.

62. This characteristically “liberal” critique of Hegel is echoed by—of all people—Adorno, Theodor in his Negative Dialectics, trans. Ashton, E. B. (New York: Seabury Press, 1973), pp. 349–50Google Scholar.

63. See Hegel, , PR, section 260Google Scholar. Here Hegel notes that the “concrete freedom” of the modern state requires that “personal individuality and its particular interests should reach their full development and gain recognition of their right.” See also the additions to sections 184,185, 206, 261, 262, and 273 (“the principle of the modern world at large is freedom of subjectivity…”).

64. See Hegel's, letter from 11, 1807Google Scholar, where he complains to his friend Niethammer that “so far we have seen that in all the imitations of the French only half the example is ever taken up. The other half, the noblest part, is left aside: liberty of the people; popular participation in elections; governmental decisions taken in full view of the people; or at least public exposition, for the insight of the people, of all the reasons behind such measures.” In Hegel: The Letters, trans. Butler, Clark and Seiler, Christine (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), p. 151Google Scholar.

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66. Ibid, sec. 303.

67. Ibid., sec. 302. Cf. addition to sec. 290.

68. By “corporation” Hegel primarily meant trade or professional groups. However, he also included churches and municipal governments in this classification. See PR, sections 250–56; 270 and 288.

69. Tocqueville, , DA1, pp. 6471Google Scholar; Pléiade edition, pp. 7075Google Scholar; see also DA2, pp. 103–104; Pléiade edition, pp. 617–18Google Scholar.

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73. As Hegel, writes in PR, sec. 187Google Scholar, the essence of “education” (Bildung) consists in the “elimination” of the “immediacy and individuality in which spirit is immersed, so that this externality may take on the rationality of which it is capable”.

74. In the addition to sec. 255, Hegel says: “In our modern states, the citizens have only a limited share in the universal business of the state; but it is necessary to provide ethical man with a universal activity in addition to his private end. This universal [activity], which the modern state does not always offer him, can be found in the corporation.” Cf. PR, addition to sec. 301, where Hegel expresses his dubiousness about the idea that the “people themselves” necessarily “know best what is in their own interest”; also sec. 309.

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76. Ibid., addition to sec. 279.

77. Hence the claims in the famous Preface to PR about comprehension as the proper task of a philosophical approach to the state. Cf. additions to sections 258, 268 and 270.

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79. Hegel, , PR, sec. 279Google Scholar; see also sections 308, 318.

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84. Ibid., p. 157.

85. See Lukács, , The Young Hegel, pp. 9, 2123Google Scholar.

86. See Taylor, , Hegel and Modern Society, p. 90Google Scholar.

87. In sec. 273 of PR, Hegel makes both these points with respect to the constitution of the state. First, it is wrong to view a state's constitution as a product of a mere “aggregate” of individuals (the atomistic/social contract fallacy); second, that “the principle of the modern world” is “freedom of subjectivity,” and that (therefore) any constitution that does not “sustain within itself” the principle of “free subjectivity” is “one-sided,” defective.

88. For the first item on this list, see Hegel, , PR, addition to sec. 182Google Scholar; for the second, see PR, addition to sec. 270; for the third, see PR, Preface.

89. See Shklar, , Freedom and Independence, chap. 1Google Scholar.

90. See Lamberti's, Jean-Claude discussion in his Tocqueville and the Two Democracies, trans. Goldhammer, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985), pp. 5758Google Scholar. That Hegel was not unaware of this “German” contribution—he loathed it—is made clear by his remarks about the German character and its “stubborn insistence on independence.” See Hegel, , “The German Constitution” in Political Writings, ed. Dickey, and Nisbet, , p. 57Google Scholar. Cf. Hegel, , The Philosophy of History, trans. Sibree, , pp. 350–51Google Scholar (on German “subjective freedom” as “self-will” or willfullness [Eigensinn].

91. Arendt, Hannah, “Civil Disobedience” in Crises of the Republic (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich Publishers, 1972), p. 92Google Scholar.

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93. I borrow from Isaiah Berlin here. See his essay “The Originality of Machiavelli” in Berlin, , Against the Current: Essays in the History of Ideas, ed. Hardy, Henry (New York: Penguin 1979)Google Scholar.

94. See Taylor, , Hegel and Modern Society, pp. 112,115,118Google Scholar.

95. See Hegel, , Die Vernunft in der Geschichte, p. 75Google Scholar; Lectures on the Philosophy of World History, p. 65Google Scholar.

96. The more exotic strands—Black Africans and native Americans—were ruthlessly enslaved or exterminated, as Tocqueville knew all too well. See DA1, chap. 18.

97. See Taylor, , Hegel and Modern Society, p. 90Google Scholar.

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