Abstract
This study uses a representative sample of 1905 Korean organizations to examine the presence of work–family policies. We derive hypotheses from explanations that animate human resources (HR) management, and develop new institutional ones for predicting the presence of work–family policies in Korea. A logistic regression model is employed to identify predictors of the presence of four types of work–family policies across Korean organizations. This study uses a detailed measurement of HR strategies to examine organizational responsiveness to institutional pressures. In addition, we utilize the characteristics of corporate governance structures to test institutional effects on work–family policies. The findings suggest that the presence of work–family policies across Korean organizations is influenced by both the characteristics of the workforce (a HR management explanation) and the organization's responsiveness to the external environment (an institutional explanation). Notably, organizations in an enterprise run by professional managers are sensitive to emerging social norms, and are more likely to have work–family policies. In addition, organizations exposed to international norms through shareholding linkages are more likely to have work–family policies. Our findings suggest that Korean organizations have provided different work–family benefits in response to different concerns.
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Notes
Besides leave benefits, laws have revised women's restricted work hours because of concerns about chemical exposure and other safety issues, and strengthened sanctions for sexual harassment. The 2001 reforms reflect a fairly broad attempt to revise employment law to better support working women.
Since 2001, employers failing to retain the posts of employees on leave have been fined around US$5000.
The pay for maternity leave and parental leave was around $1300 and $200 per month in 2001, respectively. Pay for parental leave had annually increased, reaching up to $500 per month in 2007.
The Labor Standards Act in Korea prescribes that offering flexible working hours is up to employers’ discretion.
This law has been established as ‘the Law for Equal Employment and Supports for Work and Family Balance’ since December 2007.
Established as ‘the Law of Nurturing Infants and Young Children’ since 1991.
This law does not include formal sanctions for non-compliance. It is therefore said that this law is advisory to employers rather than legally required.
The WPS is funded by the National Research Council for Economics, Humanities and Social Science (approval number: 33603), and supported by the Ministry of Labor, Korea Employers Federation, the Korean Labor Economic Association, Korea Industrial Relations Association, Korean Sociological Association and Korean Academy of Management.
Male employees can request 3 days’ unpaid leave to help with their wife's delivery. On the other hand, parental leave is available to both working fathers and mothers, up to 1 year.
We code those organizations as 1 if organizations have either a childcare center or childcare subsidy.
The Cronbach α for this index is around 0.68.
The Cronbach α for this index is around 0.88.
According to Korean finance laws, publicly traded firms are required to adopt outside boards. Therefore, researchers are sure that monitoring systems such as outside boards can be adopted not only to keep in check professional managers, but also to fulfil legal requirements of publicly traded firms. To sort out the net effect of the professional management system, we have to control whether the focal organization is listed or not. However, WPS 2007 data set does not include such information. Alternatively, we can acquire that information from WPS 2003, which includes another representative Korean organization sample. From that data set, the correlation between whether or not an organization is a publicly traded firm and the professional management system is about 11 per cent, too low to surmise theoretical connection between them. We can, therefore, indirectly argue that a professional management system brings institutional pressures into the organizations through outside boards.
This question includes these responses: (i) An ownership management system, where the owner has the authority to make most decision and directly oversees management activities; (ii) An owner-centric management system, where a professional manager is entrusted with management of the company but very little authority is transferred to the manager; (iii) A system where much management authority is transferred to a professional manager, but the owner still retains authority over major management decisions involving executive-level personnel management, new investment and so on; (iv) A professional management system that is completely independent from the owner's influence, where ownership and management are completely separate; and (v) None of these. We use (iv) as the professional management indicator and others as reference groups.
The mean percentage of male employees in manufacturing sectors is about 72 per cent in our data set.
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Acknowledgements
Earlier versions of this article were presented at American Sociological Association meetings (Boston, MA, 3 August 2008) and Sociological Research Institute at the University of Minnesota (April 2008). We appreciate comments and helpful suggestions from Elizabeth Heger Boyle, Minzee Kim, Phyllis Moen, Dalhia Mani, Wesley Longhofer, and other colleagues of the Globalization group in the Department of Sociology at the University of Minnesota.
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Baek, K., Kelly, E. & Jang, Y. Work–family policies in Korean organizations: Human resources management and institutional explanations. Asian Bus Manage 11, 515–539 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1057/abm.2012.20
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/abm.2012.20