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Failed states or a failed paradigm? State capacity and the limits of institutionalism

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Abstract

In the post-Cold War era, a voluminous literature has developed to define failed states, identify the causes and parameters of failure, and devise ways for dealing with the problems associated with state fragility and failure. While there is some theoretical diversity within this literature — notably between neoliberal institutionalists and neo-Weberian institutionalists — state failure is commonly defined in terms of state capacity. Since capacity is conceived in technical and ‘objective’ terms, the political nature of projects of state construction (and reconstruction) is masked. Whereas the existence of social and political struggles of various types is often recognized by the failed states literature, these conflicts are abstracted from political and social institutions. Such an analysis then extends into programmes that attempt to build state capacity as part of projects that seek to manage social and political conflict. Ascertaining which interests are involved and which interests are left out in such processes is essential for any understanding of the prospects or otherwise of conflict resolution.

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Notes

  1. Examples include the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, an independent, albeit Australian government-funded think-tank, that published an important paper Our Failing Neighbour: Australia and the Future of Solomon Islands (Wainwright 2003) in June 2003. This report played an important part in the Australian decision to intervene, according to Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer (2003). Also noteworthy are: the AusAID-funded State, Society and Governance in Melanesia Programme at the Australian National University in Canberra (http://rspas.anu.edu.au/melanesia/) — one of the main sources of theoretical and empirical knowledge on that region for Australian government departments; the DfID-funded Crisis States Program at the London School of Economics (http://www.crisisstates.com/); and the DfID-funded Institute of Development Studies in Sussex.

  2. In fact, because of the close relationship between policy and theory, the failed states literature has ironically developed in a different trajectory to that of state theory. The failed states literature is primarily concerned with ‘problem-solving’ and not with relating notions of state failure to the state of the art in state theory. For a comprehensive examination of past and contemporary trends within state theory, see Hay et al. (2006).

  3. This eclecticism is particularly pronounced, but not exclusive to, neoconservatives. This is because they tend to oscillate between the desire to create liberal-democracies and the utility of ‘strong states’ for the war on terror and other immediate security concerns (Rodan and Hewison 2004).

  4. This is particularly in relation to the capacity of well-functioning state institutions to reduce transaction costs and infuse stability and predictability in markets.

  5. The definitions of good governance within the donor literature are numerous. While the World Bank (2002: 99) and the IMF (Camdessus 1998) avoid issues pertaining to political governance and regime type, donor states have tended to include the existence and proper functioning of democratic institutions within their definitions of good governance (AusAID 2000; USAID nd. Critics argue that because ‘good governance’ fosters a technocratic notion of institutions and politics, it is highly problematic. This is for a number of reasons: first, it permits the suppression of dissent as ‘bad’ public policy; second, the depoliticization of economic development makes implementation extremely difficult and third, the negative effects of marketization has on the most vulnerable are ignored (Soederberg 2001; Harrison 2004).

  6. See Burnside and Dollar (1997) for example.

  7. Neoliberal ideology is based on neoclassical economic theory, however neoliberals’ preference for market relations is normative and not based only on functional or technical considerations. As Rodan et al. (2006: 3) point out: ‘This is a statement about a preferred set of power relations and institutional forms.’

  8. Darby and Lothian (1982: 44) noted, however, that while monetary controls were tightened in Thatcher's early years, no similar progress was made on the privatization and fiscal controls fronts. This was largely due to the powerful resistance these reforms encountered.

  9. Regrettably, the scope of this paper is too narrow to provide a detailed account of the origins and pathways of this ideological transformation (cf. Toye 1987).

  10. Of course, democracy was not a concern of the World Bank or IMF, but during the 1980s and 1990s it came to be seen by policy-makers in the West as conducive to sustained economic growth (Shattuck and Atwood 1998). Some critics argued that the form of democracy promoted was only ‘low-intensity democracy’, designed to allow conservative US-friendly elites to protect their privileged positions (Gills et al. 1993).

  11. Indeed, there is a sizable literature on the ‘resource curse’. As the argument goes, without good governance and capable institutions, civil wars often take place in resource-rich countries, such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Angola, rather than in resource-poor ones. This is because there is more to fight over and more resources to help insurgents sustain the fighting (Ross 1999; de Soysa 2000). While challenging this literature's tendency to seek mono-causal explanations to conflict, Heupel (2006), nevertheless has found a substantial link between rebels’ access to resources and the success of external peace-building.

  12. The state is not the only institution donors have supported in recent years. They have supported decentralization in countries such as Indonesia to increase transparency and accountability. Efforts have also been made to promote civil society organizations that are sympathetic to reform and other groups and organizations that can create a ‘demand’ for good governance.

  13. This resonates with Gramsci's (1971) notion of an ‘organic crisis’.

  14. Bellin (2000) and Rodan and Jayasuriya (2006) argue persuasively that structural relations help explain the trajectories of processes of democratization. Bellin (2000), for example, argues that contrary to the expectations of modernization theorists, the bourgeoisie and the middle classes only champion democratization when it is in their material interests. In this view, democracy is not the existence and proper functioning of ‘democratic’ institutions, but a regime with identifiable societal powerbases.

  15. Indeed, Bob Jessop (1990: 287) has already pointed out the artificial distinction between state and society as one of the main flaws of neo-Weberian state theory.

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Acknowledgements

I thank Garry Rodan, Kanishka Jayasuriya, Andrew Rosser, Toby Carroll, the editors and three anonymous reviewers for their useful comments on earlier drafts of this article. Responsibility for the final version is, of course, solely mine.

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Hameiri, S. Failed states or a failed paradigm? State capacity and the limits of institutionalism. J Int Relat Dev 10, 122–149 (2007). https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800120

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