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Ethnic Politics and the Persistence of Ethnic Identification

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 August 2014

Michael Parenti*
Affiliation:
Sarah Lawrence College

Extract

A question that has puzzled students of ethnic politics can be stated as follows: in the face of increasing assimilation why do ethnics continue to vote as ethnics with about the same frequency as in earlier decades? On the basis of his New Haven study, Robert Dahl observes that “… in spite of growing assimilation, ethnic factors continued to make themselves felt with astonishing tenacity.” Nevertheless, he asserts, “the strength of ethnic ties as a factor in local politics surely must recede.” Dahl sets up a “three-stage” model to describe how political assimilation will follow a more general social assimilation. However, one of his co-researchers, Raymond Wolfinger, demonstrates in a recent article in this Review that ethnic voting patterns persist into the second and third generations, and that “at least in New Haven, all the social changes of the 1940's and 1950's do not seem to have reduced the political importance of national origins.” The same observation can be made of religious-ethnic identities, for as Wolfinger notes, citing data from the Elmira study, social mobility in no way diminishes the religious factor as a determinant of voting behavior; in fact, in the case of upper and middle class Catholics and Protestants, religion seems to assume a heightened importance as a voting determinant. Wolfinger marshals evidence to support the arresting proposition that, melting pot or not, ethnic voting may be with us for a long time to come, a finding which craves explanation.

Part of the reason for the persistence of ethnic voting may rest in the political system itself. Rather than being a purely dependent variable, the political system, i.e., party, precinct workers, candidates, elections, patronage, etc., continues to rely upon ethnic strategies such as those extended to accommodate the claims of newly-arrived ethnic middle-class leadership; as a mediator and mobilizer of minority symbols and interests, the political system must be taken into account.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1967 

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References

1 Dahl, Robert, Who Governs? (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), p. 69.Google Scholar

2 Ibid., p. 62. See also pp. 32–62 inclusive.

3 Wolfinger, Raymond E., “The Development and Persistence of Ethnic Voting,” this Review, 59 (December, 1965), 896908.Google Scholar

4 Ibid., p. 907.

5 Ibid., see also Berelson, Bernard R. et al., Voting (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954), p. 65.Google Scholar

6 Besides the studies cited in Wolfinger, op. cit., and his own data on New Haven, almost all the literature on the relationship between the political machine and the ethnic lends support to this proposition.

7 Cf. Wolfinger op. cit., p. 907 and the studies cited therein. Also Hyman, Herbert, Political Socialization (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1959)Google Scholar, and much of the work done by Fred I. Greenstein.

8 Here Wolfinger is applying Key's hypothesis. See Key, V. O. Jr.A Theory of Critical Elections,” Journal of Politics, 17 (February, 1955), 318.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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12 For instance, Wolfinger uses the term “assimilation” synonymously with “general acculturation and occupational differentiation,” in the same body of propositions, op. cit., p. 906.

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16 Whyte, op. cit., and Gans, op. cit. A socially unassimilated pluralism is readily visible in many areas of American life. Thus, in a single weekend in New York separate dances for persons of Hungarian, Irish, Italian, German, Greek and Polish extractions are advertised in neighborhood newspapers and the foreign language press.

17 See Gordon, Milton M., Assimilation in American Life (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 34 Google Scholar; also Rosenthal, Erich, “Acculturation without Assimilation?American Journal of Sociology, 66 (November, 1960), 275288 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Etzioni, Amitai, “The Ghetto—a Re-evaluation,” Social Forces (March, 1959), 255262 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yinger, J. Milton, “Social Forces Involved in Group Identification or Withdrawal,” Daedalus, 90 (Spring, 1961), 247262 Google Scholar; Chyz, Y. J. and Lewis, R., “Agencies Organized by Nationality Groups in the United States,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 262 (1949).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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19 Hollingshead, August B., “Trends in Social Stratification: A Case Study,” American Sociological Review, 17 (1952), 685 fCrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Gans, op. cit.; Warner and Srole, op. cit., for further evidence of ethnic sub-societal systems.

20 Nam, C. B., “Nationality Groups and Social Stratification in America,” Social Forces, 37 (1959), p. 333.Google Scholar The assumption that Negroes have been enjoying a slow but steady economic advance is laid to rest by Hiestand, Dale, Economic Growth and Employment Opportunities for Minorities (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

21 See Corey, Lewis, “Problems of the Peace: IV. The Middle Class,” Antioch Review, 5, 6887.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

22 For instance Whyte, William H., The Organization Man (Garden City: Doubleday, 1957)Google Scholar; Spectorsky, A. C., The Ex-Urbaniles (New York: J. B. Lippincott, 1955).Google Scholar

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24 Wood, Robert C., Suburbia, Its People and Their Politics (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1958), p. 178.Google Scholar As impressive as is the trek to the suburbs, more recent developments should not go unrecorded. Of great significance, and hitherto unobserved because it is of such recent occurrence, is the effect of the revised and liberalized national origins quota system of our immigration laws. Direct observation of immigration into several of the Italian and Greek communities in New York during 1965–66 leaves me with the conviction that the ethnic core-city community is far from declining. In certain urban centers, such as the Brownsville section of New York, the gradual depletion of old ethnic neighborhoods is being amply and visibly counterbalanced by new injections of Polish refugees, along with Italian, Greek and Latin American immigrants who not only reinforce the core-city neighborhoods but frequently lend them certain first-generation touches reminiscent of an earlier day.

25 Lieberson, Stanley, “Suburbs and Ethnic Residential Patterns,” American Journal of Sociology, 67 (1962), 673681.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

26 See Etzioni, op. cit., for a discussion of this point.

27 Gans, Herbert J., “Park Forest: Birth of a Jewish Community,” Commentary, 7 (1951), 330339.Google Scholar

28 Cf. Etzioni, op. cit., p. 258; also Glazer, Nathan and Moynihan, Daniel P., Beyond the Melting Pot (Cambridge: M.I.T. and Harvard University Press, 1963), pp. 1316.Google Scholar

29 Friedman, Morris, “The Jews of Alberquerque,” Commentary, 28 (1959), 5562.Google Scholar

30 Wicker, Tom, “Hidden Issues in Nevada,” The New York Times, July 23, 1966.Google Scholar

31 See Moore, Joan W. and Guzman, Ralph, “The Mexican-Americans: New Wind from the Southwest,” The Nation, May 30, 1966, pp. 645648.Google Scholar

32 Cf., Baltzeil, E. Digby, The Protestant Establishment, Aristocracy and Caste in America (New York: Random House, 1964), p. 357 Google Scholar; and “Life and Leisure,” Newsweek, December 21, 1964.

33 Ellis, John Tracy, American Catholicism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956)Google Scholar, passim; also Shannon, James P., “The Irish Catholic Immigration,” in McAvoy, Thomas T. (ed.), Roman Catholicism and The American Way of Life (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1960), pp. 204210.Google Scholar

34 Lenski, Gerhard, The Religious Factor (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1963, rev. ed.), pp. 268270.Google Scholar

35 Cf. Wesley, and Allinsmith, Beverly, “Religious Affiliation and Politico-Economic Attitude,” Public Opinion Quarterly, 12 (1948), 377389 Google Scholar; Fuchs, Lawrence, The Political Behavior of the American Jews, (Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1956).Google Scholar

36 Wilson, James Q. and Banfield, Edward C., “Public Regardingness As a Value Premise in Voting Behavior,” this Review, 58, (December, 1964), 876887.Google Scholar

37 Ibid., pp. 882–885. Wilson and Banfield offer no delineation of these sub-cultural ingredients. For an attempted analysis of the components of religious belief systems which are politically salient see Parenti, Michael, “Political Values and Religious Culture: Jews, Catholics and Protestants,” The Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion Google Scholar, (forthcoming).

38 For the classic statement of this proposition see Weber, Max, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1958).Google Scholar For application of this proposition to the American scene see Lipset, Seymour Martin, The Fist New Nation (New York: Basic Books, 1963), pp. 110129.Google Scholar

39 Parsons actually constructs a four-systems model which includes the social, cultural, person-ality and physiological systems; the fourth system is not immediately pertinent to our discussion. See Parsons, Talcott, “Malinowski and the Theory of the Social System” in Firth, R. (ed.), Man and Culture (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1960).Google Scholar

40 See Gordon, op. cit.; also Gans, “Park Forest,” op. cit.

41 See Baltzell, op. cit., for a study of White Protestant exclusiveness; also Gordon, op. cit., pp. 111–2.

42 For supporting data see Parenti, Michael, Ethnic and Political Attitudes: Three Generations of Italian Americans, (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1962)Google Scholar; also Allport, Gordon W., The Nature of Prejudice (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1958).Google Scholar

43 Hansen observes: “When the natives combined to crush what they considered the undue influence of alien groups they committed a tactical error, for the newcomers, far from being crushed were prompted to consolidate their hitherto scattered forces”: Hansen, Marcus Lee, The Immigrant in American History (New York: Harper and Row, 1960 ed.), p. 136.Google Scholar

44 Race consciousness is, Wilson, James Q. notes, “an ever-present factor in the thought and action of Negroes of all strata of society,” and is “the single most consistent theme in Negro discussion of civic issues.” Negro Politics: The Search for Leadership (Glencoe: Free Pree Press, 1960), p. 170.Google Scholar It is true, however, that members of any one group, because of individual experiences and personalities, may vary as to the amount of emphasis they place upon their ethnic status: see Antonovsky, Aaron, “Toward a Refinement of the ‘Marginal Man’ Concept,” Social Forces, 35 (1956), 5762 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a study of in-group attitudes among Jewish males; also Child, Irwin, Italian or American? The Second Generation in Conflict (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1943).Google Scholar To my knowledge there exists no quantifiable cross-group comparative study of in-group awareness. The impression one draws from non-comparative studies as implied above is that the groups most disliked by the wider society harbor the greatest number of individuals of militant ethnic self-awareness.

45 Dahl, op. cit., pp. 35–6; Wolfinger op. cit., p. 908.

46 Lenski, loc. cit. Lenski's entire study points to the persistence of sub-cultural religio-ethnic variables in political and economic life. The transition away from the Democratic Party by Catholics is not, as Wolfinger seems to suggest, a symptom of assimilation; in fact, by Lenski's data, it is a manifestation of a growing commitment to religious conservatism.

47 See, for instance, the study of balanced ticket calculations in a New York state-wide campaign in the concluding chapter of Glazer and Moynihan, op. cit.

48 Quoted in Handlin, Oscar, The American People in the Twentieth Century (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963, rev. ed.), p. 121.Google Scholar

49 Wolfinger, loc. cit.