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Erschienen in: Public Choice 1-2/2014

01.04.2014

On revolt and endogenous economic policy in autocratic regimes

verfasst von: Joel M. Guttman, Rafael Reuveny

Erschienen in: Public Choice | Ausgabe 1-2/2014

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Abstract

Numerous empirical studies have investigated the direction of causality between democracy and economic growth (as well as the level of income per capita), but this empirical work has been paralleled by relatively few theoretical models that endogenize the institutional structure of the regime. Moreover, the different types of autocratic regimes have received relatively little attention. This paper develops a game-theoretic model of endogenous economic policy in autocratic regimes facing a revolt or an insurgency. In this model, there are three players: the regime, the rebels, and the masses. There are three stages in the game. In the first stage, the regime determines the level of infrastructure and the tax rate. In the second stage, the masses allocate their time between production and helping the rebels. In the third stage, the regime and the rebels simultaneously choose their fighting effort levels in a contest, in which the probability of survival of the regime is determined. It is found that autocratic regimes facing a revolt endogenously sort themselves into “tinpot” regimes that maximize their consumption at the cost of their survival, and (weak and strong) “totalitarian” regimes that maximize their probability of survival at the expense of their consumption. Empirical implications of the model are derived, and the relevance of the model to public policy is discussed.

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Fußnoten
1
An important exception to this rule is the work of Acemoglu and Robinson (e.g., Acemoglu and Robinson 2001). For a related analysis of the shift from dictatorial to democratic regimes over the course of economic transition, see Brezis and Schnytzer (2003).
 
2
In 2005, Freedom House changed its classification of Russia from “partly free” to “not free”. The 2010 Freedom House report on Russia begins with the following summary: “The executive branch maintained its tight controls on the media, civil society, and the other branches of government in 2009, and took additional steps to rein in religious and academic freedom. The large-scale disqualification of opposition candidates helped secure a sweeping victory for the ruling United Russia party in local and regional elections in October”. (See http://​www.​freedomhouse.​org/​template.​cfm?​page=​22&​year=​2010&​country=​7904.)
 
3
Unlike the totalitarian regime of Arendt (1951) and others, however, the regime in our model does not actually mobilize mass support. The masses in our model either support the rebels or work; they do not actively support the regime.
 
4
See Shughart (2006) for an analytical history of terrorism.
 
5
For a similar approach to formulating the regime’s discounted utility, see Grossman and Noh (1994).
 
6
For another study using the logistic functional form for the conflict resolution function, see Skaperdas and Syropolous (1996). See Hirshleifer (1989, 1995) for discussions of the logistic functional form in comparison to the simpler, “ratio” function suggested by Tullock (1980).
 
7
We use the subscript ‘o’ to denote rebels’ variables (for opposition), as the subscript ‘r’ is used for the regime’s variables.
 
8
By assuming that the masses receive utility from helping the rebels, we model this help as a “consumption” good, not as an investment in the success of the revolt. This approach allows us to avoid the free-rider problem inherent in the alternative assumption, that helping the rebels is an investment good. See Guttman et al. (1994) for evidence that political participation is a consumption good. In addition to simplifying a complex analytical problem, this assumption contrasts with the usual practice of treating the masses as a unitary actor to avoid the free-rider problem.
 
9
If θ>1/β, the masses would have no incentive to help the rebels, and so there would be no fighting between the regime and the rebels in our model.
 
10
Maximizing lnU r yields the same results as maximizing U r since lnU r is monotonically increasing in U r .
 
11
This may occur, for example, if the opposition’s resource base, Y, is very large relative to the regime’s resources, z, a point to which we will return shortly.
 
12
The case ∂x/∂g>0 and \(\hat{x}<0\) does not exist as an interior solution in the third stage because, as demonstrated in the next subsection, if ∂x/∂g>0, the regime will optimally will increase G until it achieves h =0, implying x>0 for any positive z (since xβzhY).
 
13
Since τ and G 0+g must be related to each other so as to satisfy =1, the regime actually has only one choice variable in the first stage, once it has moved into the region under study. Therefore τ is equated to \(\hat{\tau}\) before differentiating (26) w.r.t. g.
 
14
This expression assumes that G >G 0, so that g >0. If the expression is negative, then g =0.
 
15
Lambert’s W function satisfies the condition W(v)e W(v)=v. For a discussion of this function, its properties and scientific applications, see, for example, Cordless et al. (1996).
 
16
These parameter values were chosen on the basis of their empirical plausibility and because they permit interesting effects of the relevant parameter changes to be observed.
 
17
For a sophisticated formal model of coups and regime survival, see Gallego and Pitchik (2004).
 
18
See Haggard and Kaufman (1995), Gasiorowski (1995), Alesina et al. (1996), Przeworski et al. (2000), Przeworski and Limongi (1997), Chong and Calderon (2000), Boix and Stokes (2003), and Glaeser et al. (2004), among others.
 
19
As we pointed out in the introduction, according to Arendt (1951) and many other political scientists, in a true totalitarian regime the masses are mobilized to support the regime. The less salient is that case, the more the regime tends to descend into tyranny, as appears to be happening, for example, in Iran today.
 
20
We are holding the tax rate τ constant here, since we are interested in the sign of the partial derivative of x w.r.t. g.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
On revolt and endogenous economic policy in autocratic regimes
verfasst von
Joel M. Guttman
Rafael Reuveny
Publikationsdatum
01.04.2014
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Public Choice / Ausgabe 1-2/2014
Print ISSN: 0048-5829
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-7101
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-012-0012-3

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