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2011 | Buch

Pakistan and Its Diaspora

Multidisciplinary Approaches

herausgegeben von: Marta Bolognani, Stephen M. Lyon

Verlag: Palgrave Macmillan US

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Contributors offer an in-depth look at the dynamics of cultural and political change in Pakistan and the Pakistani Diaspora. Moving past static viewpoints, this volume demonstrates the multidirectional nature of the flow of ideas and people that create the social landscape experienced by Pakistanis globally.

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Frontmatter

Introduction

Frontmatter
Chapter 1. The Mirror Crack’d: Shifting Gazes and the Curse of Truths
Abstract
Comparison is foundational to the development of the social sciences. Both sociology and anthropology have made their most important contributions after careful comparative scrutiny of related but distinct phenomena. Hence, the justification for the present volume. We have deliberately brought together scholars working in far-flung parts of the world whose connection come from the relationships that exist between the people with whom those scholars work. Pakistan and its diaspora are distinct and there are enormous differences between the lived experience of people born, brought up, and living in Pakistan and those people of Pakistani origin born, brought up, and living in Britain. It would be tempting to focus on one and neglect the other. In material terms, the flow of resources and people, however, is not unidirectional. Consequently, we have taken the position that Britain must be considered as integrally connected to South Asia and vice versa.
Stephen M. Lyon, Marta Bolognani

The Public Sphere

Frontmatter
Chapter 2. Rang de Basanti in Pakistan? Elite Student Activism, the Emergence of a Virtual Globalized Public Sphere, and the 2007 Emergency
Abstract
On November 3, 2007, General Pervez Musharraf declared a state of emergency. The major actions taken by the army during the period of suspension of the constitution included the removal of the Chief Justice Iftikhar Choudhry, 1 the arrest of civil rights’ activists and lawyers, and the censorship of both English and Urdu media. Despite rallies and protests, the resistance to the state of emergency was relatively bloodless. Furthermore, the protest movement and the way it was organized, by relying on specific local and global social networks, shows some peculiarities that are likely to strongly inform further civic developments in the years to come. In the context of such specificities, this chapter aims at analyzing how an elite private university in Lahore (LUMS) became one of the pivots of the protest due to its unique social and cultural capital and some historical circumstances, such as the recently renovated political and strategic allegiances of Pakistan in world politics. In particular, it is argued that although a clear connection between the end of the state of the emergency and the elite student movement2 cannot be made, the means and self-reflection through which the protest grew, developed, and extinguished may create a precedent and have long-term repercussions on the public sphere in Pakistan.
Marta Bolognani
Chapter 3. Revisiting the UK Muslim Diasporic Public Sphere at a Time of Terror: From Local (Benign) Invisible Spaces to Seditious Conspiratorial Spaces and the “Failure of Multiculturalism” Discourse
Abstract
Public exposés of hidden spaces where diasporic Muslims allegedly enunciate extreme anti-Western rhetoric or plot sedition highlight an ironic shift from a time, analyzed in my earlier work, when the Pakistani diasporic public sphere in Britain was invisible and local while nevertheless being regarded as relatively benign: a space of expressive rhetoric, ceremonial celebration and local power struggles. Suicide bombings on the London underground and revelations of aborted conspiracies have led to a national media debate in which Muslim “community ” leaders for the first time have come to be active participants. They respond to accusations by politicians and journalists that multicultural tolerance has “failed” in Britain, and that national Muslim organizations are the prime cause of this alleged failure. Addressing this “failure of multiculturalism” discourse, the chapter questions, first, whether talk of multiculturalism in the UK is really about “culture” at all. Second, it explores why Muslim integration into Britain—the so-called success or failure of multiculturalism—has come to be “tested” by Muslim national leaders’ willingness to attend Holocaust Memorial Day commemorations. The public dialogue reflecting on these issues in the mainstream and ethnic press, the chapter proposes, highlights a signal development in the history of the UK Muslim diasporic public sphere: from being hidden and local to being highly visible and national, responsive to British politicians, investigative journalists and the wider British public.
Pnina Werbner

Kashmir

Frontmatter
Chapter 4. Across the Fence: Belongings and Representations between Pakistan and Kashmir
Abstract
Since partition, India and Pakistan have fought three wars over Jammu and Kashmir. For many Pakistanis, the accession of the predominantly Muslim princely state to India in 1947, and India’s policies since then are an unacceptable conspiracy to undermine the very existence of Pakistan. In 1989, young Kashmiris from the Valley launched a guerrilla war against the Indian rule, with the hope of gaining freedom (azaadi) or a measure of autonomy (khudmuktari). While India resorted to repression and heavy militarization to quell popular dissent, insurgents gradually began to articulate their struggle in the Islamic idiom of jihad 1 In the post-9/11 environment, the conflict tends to attract international attention as yet another instance of the menace wrought on the paradigm of secular democracy by radical formulations of Islamic sovereignty. In this context, academic literature on Kashmir has primarily focused on the diplomatic vicissitudes between India and Pakistan, and on the genealogy of the Kashmir jihad and the related involvement of Pakistan’s military and secret services. Recent analyses suggest that in the present geopolitical situation, the possibility of peace in Kashmir now largely depends upon Islamabad’s ability and willingness to align itself on the “War on Terror,” and accordingly to sever its links with Islamist organizations (e.g., Schofield 2008; Swami 2007).
Paul Rollier
Chapter 5. Kashmiris in Britain: A Political Project or a Social Reality?
Abstract
It is estimated that 70% of the total Pakistani population in the UK is of Kashmiri origin (Bunting 2005). However, in the 2001 Census, only about 22,000 individuals who ticked the box “other” in the ethnicity section defined themselves as Kashmiri, in spite of an unofficial estimate of 500,000 persons of Kashmiri origin in the UK.
Martin Sökefeld, Marta Bolognani

Religious Leadership

Frontmatter
Chapter 6. Changing Religious Leadership in Contemporary Pakistan: The Case of the Red Mosque
Abstract
Religious leaderships, and the type of collective mobilizations they foster in the name of Islam, have passed through major changes in Pakistan since the 1980s; especially in the growing urban areas where almost 35% of the population now live, compared to 25% in 1972.1 In addition to the well-known heads of “constitutionalist ” Islamist parties, such as the Jamaat-i-Islami, the Jamiyyat Ulama-i-Islam, and the Jamiyyat Ulama-i-Pakistan, that the government has always quite successfully co-opted or exploited, new leaders have emerged and contributed to modify the landscape of Islamic activism in contemporary Pakistan, as proven by the “Red Mosque (Lal Masjid) Movement.”2
Amélie Blom
Chapter 7. The Religious Formation and Social Roles of Imams Serving the Pakistani Diaspora in the UK
Abstract
According to the 2001 census, there are some 1.6 million Muslims in Britain, or 2.7% of the UK population. About 1 million or 68% have roots in South Asia—43% were Pakistani, 16% Bangladeshi, 8% Indian.1 Outside London, it is Pakistanis who shape the public profile of Muslims in Britain. These communities have grown over a 50-year period from about 10,000 in 1951 to three quarters of a million in 2001.2 Seventy percent of “Pakistanis” have roots in Azad Kashmir, one of the least developed areas in Pakistan.3 Their traditionalism is kept alive by substantial exchanges: religious leaders, politicians, investment, and perhaps 50% per annum transcontinental marriages.4
Philip Lewis

Women

Frontmatter
Chapter 8. Pakistani Women and Education: The Shifting Patterns of Ethnicity and Class
Abstract
Much has been written on gender and access to education, mostly discussing the stark gender inequalities with regard to education in many countries. It has been little noticed that cultural heritage and ethnic diversity play a significant role mediating these gender inequalities. This chapter aims to look at the ethnic differentiation with regard to attitudes to girls’ education in Pakistan. It challenges the established wisdom that poorer families prefer to educate boys rather than girls. With regard to equity, an argument has so far prevailed that poor parents, especially in rural and urban areas, tend to favor educating boys more than girls since Pakistan is a traditional, patriarchal, and largely Muslim society (Khalid and Mujahid-Mukhtar 2002: 30–31; Qureshi 2003: 14, 52–53). It is argued that rates of return are better for boys or that families are too poor to send both boys and girls to school (Aslam 2007). There is a feeling that unless profound structural changes take place across society, the Pakistani government education policies will have tried in vain to alter the gender disparity.
Marie Lall
Chapter 9. “I Really Couldn’t Think of Being Married, Having a Family with Nothing behind Me”: Empowerment, Education, and British Pakistani Women
Abstract
Western media have portrayed Islam as a sexist religion and Muslim women as victims of a patriarchal culture (Kundnani 2007). Sensationalist headlines have focused upon “forced” marriages and “honor killings” in the UK and abroad, powerfully influencing non-Muslim views on Islam (Saeed 2007). Despite all the attention on Muslim women’s supposed subordination, Western media rarely invite Muslim women to speak, and on the rare occasions that they do, Muslim women are almost never asked to talk about the issues that are important to them (Afshar 2008). This represents a disjuncture between British Pakistani women’s experiences and dominant Euro-American conceptions of empowerment and agency (Wray 2004).
Jody Mellor
Conclusion: Being Pakistani beyond Europe and South Asia
Abstract
The 2008 Pakistani film Khuda ke Liye (KKL) has the contemporary topical Pakistani transnational story. Mansoor, a wealthy young man, leaves Lahore for America where he studies music. He meets an American woman, marries her, and after 9/11 is arrested, tortured, and finally deported by the intelligence agencies that have come to realize he is not guilty of any terrorism-related charges (the plot of the film anticipated of a real-life situation as described by Siddiqui 2009). His brother Sarmad, who used to play in the same band in Lahore, stops doing music when he meets a mullah from the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. He also agrees to marry a distant cousin from UK to help her “revert to tradition,” and leaves with her for the tribal areas. The British cousin tries to escape, and once safe from her husband, she contacts a “modernist” imam who helps fight her case in court. She then decides not to return to the UK, but to go back to the tribal areas to help with the education of the local girls. The plot of the second highest grossing film in the history of Pakistani cinema is both a geographical triangle (Pakistan, United States, and UK), and an “identity triangle”: Islam, family traditions, gender relations (see Malik 2008: 169)
Marta Bolognani, Stephen M. Lyon
Backmatter
Metadaten
Titel
Pakistan and Its Diaspora
herausgegeben von
Marta Bolognani
Stephen M. Lyon
Copyright-Jahr
2011
Verlag
Palgrave Macmillan US
Electronic ISBN
978-0-230-11907-9
Print ISBN
978-1-349-29351-3
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230119079