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Erschienen in: Qualitative Sociology 2/2018

23.05.2018

Police Unions and the Politics of Democratic Security and Order in Postcolonial India

verfasst von: Beatrice Jauregui

Erschienen in: Qualitative Sociology | Ausgabe 2/2018

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Abstract

State attempts to ensure a secure liberal democratic order through legal regulation and enforcement may work to prevent harm, provide public resources, or realize civic and human rights. Such attempts may also increase generalized risk of harm, reinscribe social inequality, circumscribe citizenship or instigate mass protest. These contradictory forces and relations, and their conditions of possibility—what we may call broadly the “politics of democratic security and order”—tend to be analyzed through the lens of government impositions on, and opposition to, the general public, for example focusing on how anti-terrorism legislation violates peoples’ civil liberties. This article addresses the politics of democratic security and order from a different and under-theorized angle that troubles the assumed opposition between a powerful state apparatus and subjugated citizens’ rights: namely, special restrictions placed on the rights of security enforcement agents themselves. Through ethnographic and archival research in India on attempts to form police unions—which are legally banned by a parliamentary act, yet politically active in many states of the country routinely touted as “the world’s largest democracy”—I demonstrate how conflicts related to these organizations may create new possibilities for mass politics, state-society alignments, and legal advocacy for civic and human rights, even as extant laws, regulations and, perhaps most importantly, public discourses around security and police discipline place extraordinary constraints on the political subjectivity of state security actors.

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Fußnoten
1
The police in UP and most other states in India has four levels of recruitment with very little upward mobility in the ranks. From top to bottom, they are: 1) Indian Police Service (IPS), gazetted officers recruited and trained at national level and deputed to states; 2) Provincial Police Service (PPS), gazetted officers recruited and trained at state level; 3) Sub-inspectors, non-gazetted officers recruited and trained at state level; 4) Constables, non-gazetted rank-and-file personnel recruited and trained at state level. The top two are adhikaariyon, the bottom two are karmchariyon, though sometimes constables refer to sub-inspectors as adhikaariyon as well.
 
2
A video recording of part of the statement made by the RPKJP president may be found at https://​www.​youtube.​com/​watch?​v=​2TYNc88Iu9g.
 
3
This is a composite statement of the utterances of several constables. Interlocutors in India generally speak with me in a mixture of Hindi, Urdu, and English, depending on their facility with the languages. Most constables speak little to no English. For readability, I translate any utterances made in Hindi or Urdu into English without writing out the statement in the original language. Occasionally, if I feel a vernacular word or phrase has a particular linguistic or lyrical value, I transliterate it into Roman script and follow with English translation. Some of the observations or interactions discussed herein were recorded as audio or video files, and some were reconstructed in field notes hand written and typed by myself. I systematically wrote notes in both Hindi and English immediately during, or as soon as possible following, an observation or interaction, sometimes in consultation with a research assistant, in order to record as much detail as possible, and to recall terminology and phrasing as precisely as possible. Even so, I acknowledge the intractable problem, especially in long block quotations, that an utterance represented as manifesting an interlocutor’s “voice” is always inflected by my own.
 
4
Public news and other sources often refer to these lower ranking police with the relatively neutral term karmiyon (personnel); but many police association leaders prefer to use the term karmchariyon, which connotes service workers or structurally subjugated laborers.
 
5
I do not count people like the half dozen constables collectively interviewed in the vignette opening this article as “active members,” and have spoken with scores of people like this over the years about their varying experiences and opinions of police unions in India. I have also interviewed a multitude of “non-focal” persons with some direct knowledge of, interest in, or more or less direct affiliation with police associations, including lawyers, judges, scholars, journalists, political leaders, senior police officers, civil service officers, labor activists, and families of union leaders or members.
 
6
Some have claimed that police associations, most of which are not legally recognized, are active in at least 50% or 18 of India’s 36 states and union territories, which currently number 29 and seven, respectively.
 
7
See supra-note 1.
 
8
The military orderly is a subaltern officer who “carries out orders and performs minor tasks for a superior officer” (OED 2015). Weekly meetings in the “orderly room” or “a room in barracks in which the business of a company is carried on” (OED 2015) comprise an ongoing institution on the police lines in UP, which includes “the business” of senior officers disciplining rank-and-file police personnel for minor infractions (Kabir 2005, 225).
 
9
No consolidated history of the uprising has yet been written, thought it has been mentioned briefly in several published works, most by retired senior police officers turned institutional chroniclers (Arun 1995, 2010; Chande 1997; Dhillon 2005; Ghosh 1981; Saxena 1993; Subramanian 1988), a few by scholars analyzing broader social problems and historical conditions (Baxi 1982; Frankel 2005; Roy 1974).
 
10
Internal police memos list 11 sites of direct confrontation, while newspapers list 14 sites.
 
11
Compare with groups like the Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association of the City of New York (PBA), which is said to represent approximately 2/3 of New York Police Department (NYPD) officers and generally acts as a labor union, though is restricted from striking by state laws like the Public Employees Fair Employment Act (or Taylor Act).
 
12
In the other 12 states and UTs—which include Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Chandigarh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Mizoram, Nagaland, Orissa, Telangana, Uttarakhand, and West Bengal—RORA was either never officially ratified or its ratification may have carried over when a new state was carved out of one previously formed that already ratified the act (see https://​indiankanoon.​org/​doc/​164157/​).
 
13
While the aforementioned PBA (supra-note 11) officially disavowed it, NYPD officers engaged in a similar work stoppage or “wildcat strike” in January 1971, about six months after the Waukegan police strike and two years after a wave of strikes among various Illinois police departments led by John J. Flood, whose father, John T. Flood, was an NYPD officer.
 
14
Garriott cites scholars working primarily in the Latin American context. I have also used the metaphor of a “beating and bleeding heart” (Jauregui 2016, 156) to describe police in India as signifiers not of democratic governance or security and order, but of precisely the opposite—the state as a source of insecurity for common people as well as police themselves.
 
15
Crucially, Sklansky also notes that there was a class element, since police officers in the US have historically come from working class backgrounds, and concepts of democracy among both scholars and political leaders in the early-mid twentieth century were strongly influenced by ideas of democratic pluralism that assumed governance was best conducted “under elite control” rather that through the mass politics of common people, though this began to shift in the 1960s and 1970s. The role of class conflict and elitism in shaping concepts, practices and critiques of policing generally, and police unionism specifically, demands further research.
 
16
See Jauregui 2017 for discussion of these issues in light of an ongoing controversy over inclusion and dialogue involving Black Lives Matter, Pride Toronto, and the Toronto Police Service (TPS). Banned from marching in uniform in the 2017 Toronto Pride Parade, approximately 100 TPS officers reportedly, “travelled with a group of union representatives to New York City to participate in that city’s parade at the invitation of the Gay Officers Action League (GOAL)” (Nasser 2017). Meanwhile the New York City chapter of Black Lives Matter, inspired by their comrades in Toronto, are now reportedly demanding police be removed from future parades. This recent historical development, and others like it, further demonstrates the assumed opposition between police unionism and social justice movements, and also “underscores the growing importance of identity-based associations of police officers, and the dramatic impact these organizations can have… [making] manifest the absence of a unified ‘police position’ on a range of controversial issues” (Marks and Sklansky 2012, 9).
 
17
Both the English word “welfare” and its Hindi equivalent “kalyan” have become centerpieces in the chosen organizational names for police unions in UP, e.g., the recently formed Security Person’s Welfare Foundation of India. Many leaders say the focus on welfare makes them seem less like labor unions and more like (and also more amenable to cooperation with) civil society groups working for social justice.
 
18
The organization was then called the Kalyan Sansthan (Welfare Organization) UP, but later changed to Rakshak Kalyan (Protectors’/Security Workers’ Welfare) Trust, or RKT, including a subsidiary called the Araajpatrit (Non-gazetted) Police Welfare Association (APWA). The RKT/APWA leadership has since fragmented, and this constable has now formed his own splinter group called the Uttar Pradesh Police Association.
 
19
Video footage of this speech in August 2011, including the salute and quoted political statement around 04:15, may be found at https://​www.​youtube.​com/​watch?​v=​znJUT45gM_​g.
 
20
Video footage of one police union rally in UP in September 2012, showing support from hundreds of police in uniform, may be found at: https://​www.​youtube.​com/​watch?​v=​XJ5x6tsbt5Iand https://​www.​youtube.​com/​watch?​v=​6zOpmoAfYA4.
 
21
RPKP leaders and others I have interviewed about the 1973 police uprising have alleged that, in fact, constables did not instigate or support the burning of university office buildings and dormitories, but rather were framed as having done so through a conspiracy cooked up by some senior officers who wanted to defame the union movement and nip it in the bud before it became too strong.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Police Unions and the Politics of Democratic Security and Order in Postcolonial India
verfasst von
Beatrice Jauregui
Publikationsdatum
23.05.2018
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Qualitative Sociology / Ausgabe 2/2018
Print ISSN: 0162-0436
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-7837
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-018-9385-z

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