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2016 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

5. ‘Post-neoliberalism’ in the International Division of Labour: The Divergent Cases of Ecuador and Venezuela

verfasst von : Thomas F. Purcell

Erschienen in: The New International Division of Labour

Verlag: Palgrave Macmillan UK

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Abstract

The global rise in primary commodity prices in recent years has put the question of the use of income from natural resources for developmental goals back on the political agenda across Latin America. Purcell examines the distinction between agricultural and mining landownership, in the context of global transformation associated with the international division labour, so as to explain the developmental trajectories of Ecuador and Venezuela. He argues that dual landlordism in Ecuador—in the form of an agro-export elite and a state-controlled oil sector—contrasts with the singular dominance of the state-controlled oil sector in Venezuela, and this, for Purcell, explains the manner in which the two national forms of insertion into the international division of labour have determined different national variants of ‘post-neoliberalism’.

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Fußnoten
1
For data on the primary commodity boom since the early 2000s, relating to demand for raw materials produced in Latin America specifically, see Arboleda (2015: 2).
 
2
The term post-neoliberalism is widely used as shorthand to describe the policy and rhetoric adopted by left-populist governments across Latin America from the 2000s.
 
3
See Note 3 in Chap. 3, for a definition of these different types of ground-rent. What is specific about landlords in the petroleum industry is their capacity to determine the location of marginal lands. By restricting production and monopoly rents, the latter then forms the basis for the appropriation of further differential rents because the higher price permits capital to invest in lands not previously used in production (Fitzsimons 2014: 141; Fitzsimons 2015: 10). It should be noted that in practice the different forms of rent never exist in isolation (Caligaris 2014); the schematic differentiation made in this chapter does however help to explain distinct concrete political forms taken by state policies when one type of rent predominates over others.
 
4
This was the institutional-juridical means by which the landlord state in Venezuela tried to secure the fullest possible appropriation of ground-rent.
 
5
By the time Ecuador discovered large oil deposits in 1967 and began large-scale exports in 1972, a small agro-exporting landlord class was well institutionalised as a financial-commercial-rentier elite (Chiriboga 1978; Conaghan 1988).
 
6
Estimates of an equilibrium exchange rate for Venezuela are somewhere around BsF 30 to the US dollar (Weisbrot 2014).
 
7
Because of the historic magnitude of currency overvaluation in Venezuela, oil has been the only commodity that can pass through the overvalued exchange rate while allowing oil-producing capitals to valorise normally.
 
8
With interest rates at 15 per cent and annual inflation running at 60 per cent in Venezuela, trading in dollars is estimated to be 50 times more profitable than either saving or investing in productive activities (Lozada 2013).
 
9
Since the 2002–2003 business lock-out and attempted coup against Chávez, business groups have attempted to use their control of imports as political leverage, inducing shortages and driving up prices to spread political disaffection with the government. Meanwhile, speculation on imports, bribing customs officials, and smuggling goods over the border to Colombia (a phenomenon referred to as bachaqueo) have become such lucrative forms of appropriating ground-rent that they have acquired an almost systemic character.
 
10
This illustrates the tendency for dollarised economies in Latin America to incentivise imports over exports (Hira and Dean 2004).
 
11
ALBA-TCP member states include Antigua and Barbuda, Bolivia, Cuba, Dominica, Ecuador, Nicaragua, St Vincent and the Grenadines, and Venezuela.
 
12
Ecuador refused to sign the Andean Trade Preference Act with the US—a stance linked to the right to grant asylum to National Security Agency defector Ed Snowden—and removed US forces from a military base in Manta they were using as a forward operating location in the ‘war on drugs’ in Colombia. In June 2011, Ecuador was the only country to hold out over the vote to readmit Honduras to the Organisation of American States following the coup against Manuel Zeyala. In 2012, Ecuador also boycotted the sixth Summit of the Americas in Colombia in protest at the exclusion of Cuba (Becker 2012: 74, 81).
 
13
See presentation by Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra America Tratado de Comercio de los Pueblos, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations Committee on World Food Security 39, Rome, Italy, 19 October 2012 (available at: http://​www.​fao.​org/​fileadmin/​templates/​cfs/​Docs1112/​CFS39Docs/​SpecialSession/​CFS_​39_​Special_​Session_​Alba_​Food_​Sp.​pdf, accessed 29 May 2015).
 
14
Together with Chile and Mexico, which also have market-oriented economies, the ALBA-TCP countries have formed the Pacific Alliance—a regional trade and investment bloc (Lansberg-Rodriguez 2014).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
‘Post-neoliberalism’ in the International Division of Labour: The Divergent Cases of Ecuador and Venezuela
verfasst von
Thomas F. Purcell
Copyright-Jahr
2016
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-53872-7_5