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2019 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

9. Prime Ministerial Management of the Parliamentary Party in European Policy

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Abstract

This chapter analyses the behaviour of the governmental parliamentary party in European policy. Did it mainly support the government and prime minister or were there regular rebellions? Its voting record on European policy in general is addressed here with particular reference to the ERM and EMU case studies. A broader view of the parliamentary party’s behavioural pattern and its impact on the PM’s political leadership is taken, because it can be assumed to form the trajectory for its likely behaviour on ERM and EMU. This is important as in some cases parliament did not vote on European monetary policy issues as the government did not introduce legislation on it. This chapter also considers the prime minister’s management of his parliamentary party.

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Fußnoten
1
‘Parliamentary Affairs’ was on the cabinet agenda in 15 of the 24 cabinet conclusions between 8 June and 19 December 1978 (TNA, CAB 128/64, CM (78) 21st Conclusions, 8 June 1978, to TNA, CAB 128/64, CM (78) 44th Conclusions, 19 December 1978).
 
2
The 1st division on Callaghan’s first day as PM was division No. 106 of the 1975–6 parliamentary session on 5 April 1976 (HC Deb 5 April 1976, cc29–164).
 
3
For the debate, see HC Deb 13 December 1978, cc811–844.
 
4
Cowley and Norton (1996: 16) list marginally different numbers: 1979–83: 158 rebellions, 1983–87: 202, 1987–1992: 199.
 
5
1982: 23 MPs voted against the government and 28 abstained at a vote on the immigration bill. 1986: 72 MPs voted against the government at the second reading of the Shops Bill. 1990: 23 MPs voted against the government and many MPs abstained on a vote on a clause of the National Health Service and Community Care Bill (Cowley and Norton 1996: 15–17).
 
6
Cowley and Norton (1996) in their analysis of Conservative MPs’ voting behaviour between 1979 and 1992 do not mention any European policy vote as problematic during that time either.
 
7
Definition: “A ‘three-line whip’, when an item is underlined three times, indicates that attendance is required and pairing is not normally allowed. This is imposed on important occasions, such as second readings of major Bills and motions of no confidence” (Miller 2008: 2).
 
8
Interview with D. Hannay, 29 March 2010.
 
9
Interview with S. Wall, 8 January 2010.
 
10
Abstentions cannot automatically be seen as opposition as the parliamentary records do not state why someone did not vote, e.g. the MP might have been ill (Cowley and Stuart 2003: 330).
 
11
Between the second and third reading of the bill there were 210 hours of parliamentary debate (Cowley and Norton 1996: 25).
 
12
Gamble and Kelly (2000) provide a detailed survey of the various attitudes on EMU in the Labour Party at that time.
 
13
Interview with T. McNally, 22 March 2010.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Prime Ministerial Management of the Parliamentary Party in European Policy
verfasst von
Birgit Bujard
Copyright-Jahr
2019
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89953-4_9