7.3.1 Agrarian Change in Preindustrial Agriculture
In the mid-eighteenth century, Montefrío had 5,108 inhabitants, a scant population in comparison with other territories in northern Spain (23 inhabitants/km2), with high land availability, in excess of 4 ha per inhabitant. Land use was primarily devoted to livestock, offering future possibilities for the agricultural “colonisation” of the town. It was, as Herman Daly said (2005), an “empty” territory where labour, rather than resources, was the main limiting factor.
Land use was organised according to different levels of labour intensity. Land occupation occurred was based on a primary population nucleus and on small population clusters known as
cortijos scattered throughout the municipality. Cultivation decreased in intensity with distance from these clusters.
2 The land that surrounded the town (
ruedos) was cultivated intensively because more labour could be applied there. Some areas had access to irrigation and thus were where fruit, vegetables, cereals and leguminous crops were grown. The available manure was dedicated if possible to these lands because of the transport economy and because the costs in labour could be easily borne by the town (for more details, see González de Molina et al.
2010; Infante-Amate
2011) (Table
7.1).
Table 7.1
Evolution of the agro-ecosystem in Montefrío, 1750–2000. (Source: González de Molina et al.
2010; Infante-Amate
2011)
Population | [no.] | 5108 | 7938 | 10404 | 13698 | 6453 |
Population density | [inhab/km2] | 23.36 | 38.16 | 45.40 | 52 | 27 |
Cereal | [ha] | 7372 | 12940 | 15245 | 15894 | 2165 |
Annual
| [ha] | 0 | 0 | 0 | ? | 2165 |
Ruedo
a
| [ha] | 24 | 1324 | 2934 | ? | 0 |
Tercio
b
| [ha] | 7348 | 11616 | 12311 | ? | 0 |
Fruit and vegetables | [ha] | 71 | 170 | 97 | 217 | 35 |
Olives | [ha] | 120 | 442 | 718 | 2320 | 15006 |
Vines | [ha] | 59 | 196 | 246 | 44 | 4 |
Cultivated
| [ha] |
7622
|
13748
|
16306
|
18475
|
17210
|
Mountain | [ha] | 10100 | 3110 | 3110 | 5920 | 4046 |
Pasture | [ha] | 3025 | 2840 | 2439 | 712 | 1366 |
Utilised agricultural area
| [ha] |
20747
|
19698
|
21855
|
25107
|
22622
|
Unproductive | [ha] | 1060 | 1060 | 1060 | 1060 | 910 |
Total
| [ha] |
21807
|
20758
|
22915
|
26167
|
23532
|
Livestock for Incomec
| [LU] |
3326
|
880
|
400
|
1830
|
1225
|
Livestock for Labourd
| [LU] | 1821 | 1012 | 1187 | 2356 | 200 |
Total Livestock
| [LU] | 5147 | 1892 | 1587 | 4187 | 1425 |
Production harvested | [t d.m.] | 3157 | 7387 | 9470 | | |
Production harvested | [1752 = 100] | 100 | 234 | 300 | | |
Production/inhabitants | [kg d.m.] | 618 | 931 | 910 | | |
Production/inhabitants | [1752 = 100] | 100 | 151 | 147 | | |
Production/cropland | [kg d.m./ha] | 153 | 537 | 581 | | |
Production/cropland | [1752 = 100] | 100 | 352 | 380 | | |
Average farm size | [ha] | 53.09 | 26.70 | 10.75 | 8.95 | 9.50 |
The majority of the cultivated land (28.8 %) where “al tercio” (wheat/fallow/fallow) rotation was practised was located adjacent to this area, with fairly modest sowing and harvesting. Finally, grape vines and olive trees, which received low levels of labour during this period, occupied a marginal area (0.7 %), and their products provided subsistence for the locals. The land area dedicated to permanent, natural pasture (51.1 %) reveals that a very significant portion of the agro-ecosystem remained uncultivated, as home to significant livestock numbers (21 LU/km2).
In accordance with the tradition inaugurated by Marshall Sahlins (
1972), Montefrío appeared as a kind of “opulent society”, which, through high levels of labour productivity, was able to feed a scant population more effectively. Indeed, the available food per capita in 1750 had a higher energy content than in the nineteenth century (González de Molina et al.
2011). Recent anthropometric studies have shown that the biological standards of living for its inhabitants were among the highest in Spain at that time (Cámara
2007).
During the second half of the eighteenth century, population growth was practically zero; however, in barely a century, it nearly doubled to 10,101 inhabitants in 1877.
3 Following the fall of the
Ancien Régime, new liberal policies facilitated access to land to a great number of landless peasants. Over the course of the nineteenth century, there were as many as three land distributions in Montefrío, which attracted significant population numbers (Martínez
1995). Other liberal measures, such as land seizure and the redemption of tithe rent charges, also facilitated access to land ownership. The availability of labour for more intensive management of the agro-ecosystem was greater and consequently so were the feeding requirements, which in turn spurred further reclamation and crop intensification.
4
Analysing the structure of ownership and agrarian exploitation in Montefrío demonstrates that the number of small landowners increased as the number of large landowners decreased. Farms between 0 and 10 hectares in 1752 accounted for less than 3 % of the land area registered on the cadastral register. One century later, this figure had increased to 7 %. In contrast, in the mid-eighteenth century, farms over 500 ha accounted for over 40 % of all lands, whereas in 1850 this figure had fallen to 18 % (see Table
7.2). A large group of peasant farmers were able to access land ownership (Martínez
1995, p. 163).
Table 7.2
Distribution of registered land ownership, 1852–1901. (Based on Martínez
1995)
|
Owners
|
%
|
Owners
|
%
|
0–5 | 533 | 69.31 | 1490 | 74.31 |
5–10 | 64 | 8.32 | 220 | 10.97 |
10–50 | 90 | 11.70 | 211 | 10.52 |
50–100 | 30 | 3.90 | 42 | 2.09 |
100–500 | 49 | 6.37 | 37 | 1.85 |
Over 500 | 3 | 0.39 | 5 | 0.25 |
Total | 769 | 100 | 2005 | 100 |
|
Ha
|
%
|
Ha
|
%
|
0–5 | 890.18 | 4.50 | 2260.04 | 10.48 |
5–10 | 486.29 | 2.46 | 1539 | 7.14 |
10–50 | 2157.51 | 10.92 | 4537 | 21.05 |
50–100 | 2183.98 | 11.05 | 2872 | 13.32 |
100–500 | 10464.68 | 52.95 | 6599 | 30.61 |
Over 500 | 3579.85 | 18.11 | 3750 | 17.4 |
Total | 19762.49 | 100 | 21557 | 100 |
However, the population growth and the consequent increased pressure on resources were beginning to decline by the end of the nineteenth century. Indeed, the number of small landowners continued to increase through the liberal measures outlined above, and as a result of the opportunities for clearing and intensifying production, they were favoured by the egalitarian legacy characteristic of Spanish legislation. Relatively isolated from the main commercial points of the region, the town was by necessity self-sufficient. By the beginning of the twentieth century, Montefrío had over two thousand landowners. Approximately 90 % of them, 40 % of the registered plots of land, had fewer than 50 ha. The greatest demographic increase was recorded among landowners with insufficient land; the number of peasant farmers who owned fewer than 5 ha rose from 192 in 1752 to 533 in 1852 and had reached 1,490 by 1901, representing an approximately eight-fold increase. The average area of land owned by this segment also decreased, from 1.67 ha per owner in 1852 to 1.51 in 1901 (see Table
7.2). Certainly, the number of landowners increased at a much greater rate than did the population as a whole, but this occurred under increasingly precarious conditions because of the scarce provision of land and because the productive possibilities of this land were being exhausted. This meant increasingly difficult access to labour and to income livestock and fewer opportunities for work, which stagnated in availability. The composition of their diet also deteriorated (González de Molina et al.
2011), and anthropometric studies display a sharp decline in biological standards of living, also accompanied by waves of emigration (Cámara
2007) and increasing development of social conflict (Cruz
1994).
At the end of the nineteenth century, the amount of land dedicated to agriculture had increased to levels never before observed, and more intensive rotations occupied more space than ever before. The only way of fulfilling the dietary needs of the town was to replace livestock farming, which could only be sustainable under low population densities, with another form of agriculture based on cereal crops. This change seems to support the classic strategy described by Boserup (
1965,
1981), whereby territories that begin to become densely populated intensify their rotations and increase production to adapt to the limitation. However, focusing solely on population dynamics ignores the manifest importance of the institutional dimension of change, which in this case encouraged population increases or immigration into the town and also governed the way in which the rural community was able to colonise the territory or intensify its management.
The increasingly precarious situation of the peasantry of Montefrío, given the imbalance between population and resources, explains here and elsewhere the increasingly intensive use of the land to guarantee subsistence, which led to processes of soil degradation (Blaikie and Brookfield
1987; FAO
1983).
7.3.2 Specialisation in Olive Growing and the Major Transformation of the twentieth Century
Olive growing is the best metaphor for the changes that have occurred in the Spanish Mediterranean in the past two centuries. It encapsulates the intensive progression of agro-ecosystems in the nineteenth century, and its level of expansion in recent years has meant that the area of land dedicated to this activity in certain territories such as Montefrío occupies the total utilised agricultural area.
In the mid-eighteenth century, olive trees were scattered in Montefrío, integrated with other uses and subject to fairly non-intensive management. Olive production barely exceeded 100 kg per ha, whereas production was greater than 500 kg by 1900. Although the production as total biomass of the tree remained relatively stable (including the use of pruned material and ground cover plants), there were increased efforts to improve olive production, which is the most valuable part of the crop. Human labour increased from 11 days/ha in 1750 to 28 days in 1900, and animal labour increased from 4.39
obradas/ha to 10.65
obradas/ha. Although higher olive yields were obtained, total crop productivity, measured as total biomass, decreased. In spite of this, olive orchards were a good solution for peasants with insufficient land.
5 In addition to olives, they provided wood and timber from pruning for domestic fuel, leaves to feed goats, ground cover plants to feed sheep, and pomace to feed livestock. In terms of energy, these products represent between 80 and 90 % of the total usage (Infante-Amate
2011,
2012), and these products were decisively important for these peasant economies.
Therefore, olive orchards charted a transition from an “empty” (Daly
2005) and “opulent” (Sahlins
1972) world towards more intensive cultivation, partially linked to the market, which required more intensive labour despite the costs in productivity (Boserup
1965). This is a similar story to what the changes in land use throughout Montefrío: increased agricultural intensity based on a loss of labour productivity.
However, the major transformation of agriculture in Montefrío, as in the rest of the country, came in the second half of the twentieth century and was characterised by the industrialisation of the sector and the full expansion of olive growing. Spain joined the European Common Market in the 1980s and its agricultural policy in the early 90s while also achieving high levels of industrialisation and consolidating its integration into the global economy. The importation of great quantities of energy and materials has allowed the cultivated land area to occupy essentially the entire utilised agricultural area (Guzmán and González de Molina
2009). This socio-ecological transition in Spanish agriculture eventually isolated the processes of food production and consumption from the territory, as has also occurred in other countries (Erb et al.
2009; Würtenberger et al.
2006).
6 Because of the mass importation of grain, meat consumption levels have returned to those last observed in the eighteenth century (Infante-Amate and González de Molina
2013), and land has become available for other uses. Production specialisation was accompanied by the expansion of olive growing, primarily because of the ecological advantages of this tree for development in Mediterranean climates (Angles
1999) and also because of the public subsidies of the Common Agricultural Policy (De Graaf and Eppink
1999).
Today, there are approximately 10 Mha under olive cultivation in the world, over 80 % of which are in the Mediterranean basin (FAO
2013), primarily because towns such as Montefrío have focused their agrarian activity fully on the production of olive oil; approximately 90 % of cultivated land is allocated to this crop, which is largely managed industrially. This latest leap towards agricultural intensification has substantially improved labour productivity (see Table
7.3). As recently discussed by Fischer-Kowalski et al. (
2010), the productivity of labour could once again increase in an unprecedented way because of the application of substantial amounts of energy, largely from fossil fuels.
Table 7.3
Indicators showing the evolution of the olive orchard in Montefrío, 1750–2000. (Source: Infante-Amate
2011)
Land area olive orchards | [ha] | 120 | 442 | 718 | 2320 | 15006 |
Land area olive orchards/utilised agricultural area | [%] | 0.58 | 2.24 | 3.29 | 9.24 | 66.33 |
Olive production | | 108.72 | 543.61 | 534.21 | 801.49 | 1339.18 |
Pruning production | [kg d.m./ha] | 675.90 | 887.50 | 710.00 | 852.00 | 710.00 |
Plant cover production | | 381.20 | 381.20 | 381.20 | 1997.71 | 0 |
Total biomass production | | 1165.82 | 1812.31 | 1625.41 | 2851.2 | 2049.18 |
Productivity olive labour | [day/kg] | 9.87 | 15.61 | 19.00 | 10.35 | 72.58 |
Productivity Total labour | [day/kg] | 105.89 | 52.05 | 57.82 | 36.83 | 111.07 |
Human labour | [day/ha] | 11.01 | 34.82 | 28.11 | 77.41 | 18.45 |
Animal labour | [obrada/ha] | 4.39 | 10.57 | 10.65 | 15.26 | 6.84 |
Input energy (1) | [Gj/ha] | 3.99 | 9.62 | 7.88 | 22.55 | 26.51 |
Total output (2) | [Gj/ha] | 21.98 | 31.81 | 27.95 | 46.39 | 31.52 |
Efficiency (2/1) | [Gj/ha] | 5.51 | 3.31 | 3.55 | 2.06 | 1.19 |
The model of agrarian growth that accompanied the industrialisation of Spanish agriculture was based on the forced transfer through the markets of a portion of agrarian incomes (González de Molina and Guzmán
2006). This resulted from the on-going deterioration in the exchange relationship between the agrarian sector and the urban industrial and services sector. In comparison with other sectors, agrarian income suffered a significant decline in real terms. Between 1990 and 1999, income in the province of Granada—to which Montefrío belongs—had fallen by 15 % (Analistas Económicos de Andalucía
2000).
Furthermore, the process by which the subsidies of Common Agricultural Policy incentivised productivity through the intensification of cultivation and through savings in labour costs is well known (De Graaf and Eppink
1999). Much of the technological package integrated into the management of olive orchards responds to the new olive-growing reality of the region, including part-time agriculture, an ageing population and a loss of profitability
7, factors that are separate from the dynamics of population pressure.