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2018 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

Right to Food and “Tragedy” of the Commons

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Abstract

Without claiming of exhaustivity, this work aims at verifying the possibility to consider food as a common good from a juridical perspective. In fact, it seems that so far, the Italian constitutional doctrine has not covered this particular aspect—anything but irrelevant—in the studies dealing with these theories.
Therefore, I will try hereafter to make some short reflections from a constitutional perspective, with the purpose of showing the quantity of difficulties that can be encountered if one considers this hypothesis, i.e. if one places the right to food not only beyond the “private”, but also beyond the “public” dimension provided by the Constitution.
Ultimately, after identifying some critical aspects of the doctrines of common goods, I will try to examine the possibility to guarantee all people the fundamental right to access to food by using the “public utilities made available by the local government”. Otherwise, if we let the laws of the market be the ones that can guarantee food, we risk legitimizing a “juridical paradox” that the constitutional order (at least the Italian one) by no means can tolerate.

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Fußnoten
1
The committee for amending the regulations of the Civil Code on Public Goods (called “Rodotà” from the name of its chairman), was formed in 2007 by the Prodi government and the Minister of Justice Mastella, with the purpose of defining a systematic regulatory framework for measures of privatization aimed at lightening the burden of the public debt. Particularly, the Committee was set up at the Ministry of Justice by decree of the Minister in June 21st 2007 and accomplished its work by drawing up a draft law that delegated to the government the power of amending the Chapter II, the Title I of the Book III of the Civil Code, as well as other parts of the same book linked to it. Unfortunately, as it is known, no discussion has been held about this draft law in the institutional framework.
 
2
See Article 1, section 3, letter c) of the Proposal of Regulation.
 
3
See, at least, the attempt of classification made by Cerulli Irelli and De Lucia (2014), pp. 6 et seqq.
 
4
The studies carried out by Rodotà seem to be particularly focused on this aspect (2013), pp. 459 et seqq.
 
5
See Hardin (1968), pp. 1243–1248.
 
6
See Lucarelli (2013), pp. 45 et seqq.—with respect to the forms that the participative democracy in the management of common goods can assume. See also Marella (2012), p. 24, who recognizes the “collective and/or participative management” as a decisive element of a possible juridical statute of common goods.
 
7
For more detailed studies in this regard, see Ostrom (1990); Ostrom (1998), pp. 1–22.
 
8
In this regard, see Sacconi (2015), pp. 175 et seqq.
 
9
See Patel (2009).
 
10
In this sense Mattei (2012), pp. 52–53.
 
11
The dispute was started because some private farmers claimed the right to own the bodies of water situated within the lagoon, where intensive fish farming is carried out. The State, which was the other party, laid claim to the ownership of these areas. The Supreme Court established that the lagoon was an area of public property.
 
12
Civil Cassation, United Sections, no. 3665 of the 14th February 2011.
 
13
I.e. the perspective of the Italian advocates for the juridical theses on common goods.
 
14
See Mattei (2012), pp. 60–61.
 
15
Lucarelli (2013), p. 66.
 
16
See the caustic counterarguments of Vitale (2013).
 
17
di Plinio (2015), p. 189.
 
18
On the problems related to food sovereignty, Jannarelli (2011), pp. 299–325.
 
19
See Nivarra (2012), especially pp. 85 et seqq.
 
20
See De Lucia (2013), pp. 93–112; Sanchez (2010), pp. 61–75.
 
21
D’Andrea (2015), pp. 9–10.
 
22
In this sense Fioravanti (2014), pp. 7 and 44 et seqq.
 
23
This is the thought of Algostino (2013), pp. 28–29.
 
24
In this respect, see Baldin and Zago (2014). See also Carducci (2014), pp. 138–151. About the same topic and from his “benicomunista” perspective, Mattei (2012), p. 22, notices that the new Bolivian Constitution, together with the Ecuadorian one, is the juridical model that deals with the concept of common goods in the most advanced way available, should the humanity intend—after putting aside the Occidental arrogance—to revise its development model.
 
25
See Linebaugh (2008).
 
26
In this respect, see the reflections of Cassano (2004).
 
27
In this regard, see Eide (2001), pp. 133 et seqq.
 
28
As the Italians know, ex Article 75 of the Constitution, that is to say through the abrogative referendum of 12 and 13 June 2011, they have been in favor of the abrogation of Article 23 bis of the Decree-Law no. 112/2008, i.e. the abrogation of the therein contained regulations concerning the privatization of public services of economic relevance, including the management of water. In this regard see Staiano (2011), p. 21; and, ultimately, Chirulli (2015).
 
29
“Almost”, because even if the problem of hunger has not been resolved, a few local services are taking hold in several municipalities of the Republic, including urban vegetal gardens (in different varieties, such as didactic, social and associative gardens), different types of soup kitchens, local markets, etc.
 
30
As it can be inferred, the attention is shifted—ex Article 42 of the Constitution—to the problems concerning the “social function” of ownership, especially the ones relating to its “accessibility for everyone”. With respect to the “constitutional system of ownership”, see Rodotà (2013), pp. 273–421.
 
31
Unfortunately, law often tends to distance this word from its real meaning, using instead expressions such as “undernourishment”, “malnutrition”, “food uncertainty” to talk about a problem—the vital lack of food—that still afflicts millions of people. In this regard, Caparròs (2015), pp. 15 et seqq.
 
32
As I have better defined and explained in other works of mine, of which you can see, if you wish, Gusmai (2015a), pp. 47 et seqq.
 
33
With respect to the inter-systemic and inter-constitutional character of Italian law, determined by its openness towards external regulations, see the recent considerations of Ruggeri (2015a).
 
34
See the Marrakesh Agreement establishing the WTO, signed on 15 April 1994, which includes the Agreement on Agriculture.
 
35
That is, in Italian, private property that “excludes”, “deprives” someone of something. This suggestive expression is used by Mattei (2014).
 
36
The Italian Constitution is the product of different and opposing political forces. That is why—regardless of the influence of EU law—it is full of “antinomies and conflicts” that can be also found in its second part, i.e. the so-called “organizational” part. This is what has been noticed by Mortati (1962), pp. 222 et seqq.
 
37
See Rodotà (2013), p. 387.
 
38
As provided by Article 117, paragraph 2, letter m), of the Italian Constitution. In this regard, see Ruggeri (2015b), pp. 541 et seqq.
 
39
Lucarelli (2015), p. 117.
 
40
In this respect, please allow for references to Gusmai (2015b).
 
41
…to the point that the doctrine has recently talked about “absence of legislation” and about “law with no author” within the global dimension of law. Ferrarese (2012), pp. 54 et seqq. Other authors have instead a contrary opinion. Among them and above all, see Luciani (2012), p. 3, who asserts instead that “Nations still play a central role in the supranational scenario”.
 
42
Saraceno (2015), p. 9.
 
43
In this regard, see De Schutter (2013).
 
44
This aspect has been stressed by the President of the Republic himself, during his speech at the closing ceremony of Expo 2015 (31st October). In fact, he underlined that “the social and cultural importance of food policies is crucial and their value must be passed down through a serious educational commitment”. See Mattarella (2015). Ultimately, Ghiazza (2015) curated an interesting collection of articles about the relationship of food with literature, cinema, linguistic structures, semiotic and psychological implications.
 
45
To use the words of Rodotà (2013), p. 486.
 
46
However, considerable criticism has been made about the disappointing empirical data showing that the social card (a card to purchase essential goods, aimed at boosting the income of the needy) introduced by the Labour Law Decree of 10 January 2013 (published in the O.J. no. 102 of 3 May 2013), not only has been refinanced, but also reinforced and strengthened by some regulations that are currently being examined by the government. Therefore, it is not possible, now, to make further evaluations.
 
47
In this regard, see Cacciari (2014), p. 69.
 
48
Saraceno (2015), p. 98.
 
49
This is what has been decided by the Italian Constitutional Court with the sentence no. 10 of 2010 (“In law” section, point 6.4). Through the debate about the regulation that introduced the “social card” in Italy for the first time, (Article 81 of Decree Law no. 112 of 2008), the Court seems—through this sentence—to have explicitly recognized the right to nutrition as both a “fundamental right” and a “social right”, based on Articles 2, 3—second paragraph—and 38 of the Constitution.
 
50
The matter concerning the actualization of fundamental rights is dealt with in detail by Baldini (2015).
 
51
This is what many economists hope, including Mazzucato (2014).
 
52
Colapietro and Ruotolo (2015), p. 634.
 
53
With respect to the concept of “social democracy”, see d’Albergo (2004), pp. 161 et seqq.
 
54
Mattei (2012), pp. XIV–XV, acknowledges in his introduction that, since common goods are loaded with political values, their compatibility with the common ideal must not be taken for granted.
 
55
According to the data provided by Oxfam (updated to January 2016), the situation is nothing short of embarrassing: only 62 people possess the half of the global wealth. The data can be consulted at this link: http://​www.​oxfamitalia.​org/​eventi/​sfida-lingiustizia-di-basta-ai-paradisi-fiscali.
 
56
See Ferrajoli (2012), pp. 599 et seqq.
 
57
Marx (2012), p. 44.
 
58
See Segré (2011).
 
59
Ferrari and Izzo (2012), p. 9.
 
60
See Gabdin (2011), pp. 243 et seqq.
 
61
Human dignity is defined a “supra-constitutional” value by Ruggeri and Spadaro (1991), pp. 343 et seqq.
 
62
Although on different reasons, the same opinion is expressed by De Castro (2015), p. 81.
 
63
The closeness of constitutional law to the political dimension has been recently underlined by the Italian Constitutional lawyers Zagrebelsky and Marcenò (2012), p. 65.
 
64
In this respect, Ostrom (2009), pp. 419 et seqq.
 
65
See Gusmai (2015b), pp. 13 et seqq.
 
66
It is well-known that Article 2 of the Italian Constitution—in a dialectical relationship with the “inviolable rights of man”—expects that “the fundamental duties of political, economic and social solidarity be fulfilled”. By fulfilling the duty to contribute (Article 53 of the Constitution) to public expenditure for a public local service easy to manage and control (e.g. through the online publication of both the balance sheet of the institution that provides the service and the incomes of users), the population could allow local institutions to withdraw a derisory amount of money from the medium-high incomes and redistribute wealth in favor of the weakest subjects who have not access to adequate nutrition.
 
67
Think of the recent French regulation against food waist that, inter alia, compels supermarkets to give unsold food to the needy. In fact, according to FAO the amount of food that ends up in the garbage accounts for over 35% of the global production, for a cost of about 1 trillion dollars per year. While these words are being written, also the Italian legislator is discussing a draft law against food waste (presented by the MPs Chiara Gadda and Massimo Fiorio).
 
68
It is not a coincidence that in the section about the “Right to food” of the most prestigious encyclopedia of international law (Max Planck Encyclopedia of Public International Law), it can be read that the right to food is one of the less respected human rights, as shown by the data about global malnutrition and hunger. See Mechlem (2008).
 
69
D’Andrea (2005), pp. 203 et seqq.
 
70
With respect to the possible “arbitrariness of legislation” and the terminological distinction between the “irrationality”, “unreasonableness” and “injustice” of juridical choices, see once again Zagrebelsky and Marcenò (2012), pp. 195 et seqq.
 
71
This is a reference to Marx, who considers law to be a “super-structural” manifestation of the mode of production, since its character is not autonomous and historically determined. According to his theses, law is not something beyond the classes that are struggling, something that impartially judges the actions of social actors: on the contrary, it is the reflection of certain social relationships (which it ratifies and legitimizes) as well a way through which the ruling class dominates the other classes. In this respect, see the considerations of Bobbio (1997), pp. 153–166.
 
72
This is a clear reference to the famous “methodological” essay by Weber (1917).
 
73
Cacciari (2014), p. 81.
 
74
The fact that the laws produced by the State (and by the consequent activities of public institutions) often create a high level of social inequality has been recently underlined by Stiglitz (2012).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Right to Food and “Tragedy” of the Commons
verfasst von
Antonio Gusmai
Copyright-Jahr
2018
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75196-2_15