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Erschienen in: Public Choice 1-2/2018

16.10.2017

Southern realignment, party sorting, and the polarization of American primary electorates, 1958–2012

verfasst von: Seth J. Hill, Chris Tausanovitch

Erschienen in: Public Choice | Ausgabe 1-2/2018

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Abstract

Many scholars have argued that primary elections are an important factor in the polarization of the American Congress. Yet little research measures change in the policy preferences of primary electorates to evaluate the connection directly. We create the first explicit measures of the preferences of primary voters over the last 60 years using a Bayesian item-response theory model. Although the overall distribution of population preferences has changed little, the preferences of primary voters are now much more related to the party of the primary that they attend. We show that liberals are much more likely to turn out in Democratic primaries and conservatives are much more likely to turn out in Republican primaries. We estimate that the divergence of primary from general electorates is six times larger in 2012 than in 1958 owing to this “primary sorting”. This trend began with the emergence of the Southern Republicans. As the Republican party became viable, conservative Southerners switched to Republican primaries leading to a leftward shift in Democratic primary electorates. Nationwide, primary sorting began sometime after it began in the South. We speculate that Southern realignment played a clarifying role that contributed to subsequent sorting of primary electorates nationwide.

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Fußnoten
1
McKee and Hayes (2009) considers primary elections from 1988 to 2008, finding that the electorate has polarized in the South in terms of self-identified liberalism and conservatism, as well as race. Our time series begins in 1958 and we measure preferences using responses to questions about policy.
 
2
Party sorting in most scholarship is defined as the increasing correspondence between party identification, as measured by survey responses, and ideology. We define a behavioral analog of party sorting called primary sorting that is the increasing correspondence between the party primary that an individual chooses to vote in and their ideology.
 
3
This is consistent with Erikson et al. (1993, pp. 17–20), who find little correlation between ideology and partisanship across states, averaging over the 1976–1988 period.
 
4
We assume that primary voters are at least partially expressive in their behavior. Fully strategic primary voters might have nominated the best candidate for the general election, even if they had more extreme preferences (e.g., Aranson and Ordeshook 1972; Coleman 1971). We also note that causality might have operated in the opposite direction, from Congress to the composition of primary electorates.
 
5
This rightward move was not without consequences, however, particularly the loss of the moderate Republican foothold in the northeast (Reiter and Stonecash 2011).
 
6
In addition, Bullock and Clinton (2011), McGhee et al. (2014) show that open primaries are not related to polarization in state legislatures.
 
7
Hill and Tausanovitch (2015) show in an Appendix that when these responses are assumed to be comparable for only short lengths of time, the results are similar.
 
8
The model itself is similar to Poole and Rosenthal ’s (2000) W-NOMINATE or Clinton et al. ’s (2004) IDEAL. An important difference is that the multinomial link function allows the model to use all of the response categories to inform the respondents’ latent ideology, which is valuable for many of the survey questions that have more than two responses. “Don’t know” responses are set as missing values.
 
9
For example, “We find that a lot of people don’t pay much attention to primary elections. Do you remember whether or not you voted in the primary election for congressman this year?” (1958) or “Your state held a primary election on (DATE). Did you vote in that election, or were you unable to do so?” (1980).
 
10
Turnout in congressional primaries was asked in 1958, 1964, 1966 and 1978, with questions about presidential pimaries in other years. Primary participation was not asked of half of the 1972 sample and 172 cases of the 1992 sample who were given the form 2 questionnaire in those years. We limit analysis to form 1 respondents.
 
11
The records from 1978 are validated to administrative records with party of primary the party of registration for the validated voter, question numbers V781411 and V781401.
 
12
In “Appendix”, we explore whether sorting among primary voters is greater than sorting among partisan identifiers, finding some evidence in support of greater sorting of primary voters.
 
13
To estimate, we calculate the rate of primary participation by (across-year) ideology decile from 1958, then sample primary voters at random from 2012 respondents given their ideology decile and the 1958 rate of primary participation and assign them to a party primary based on their 2012 party identification. We apply this sampling strategy at each posterior iteration, calculate the party medians, and present the posterior median and credible interval of the distance between medians in the figure, which captures both uncertainty in respondent ideology and sampling variability in simulated turnout.
 
14
To estimate, we calculate the rate of participation in each party primary in each (across-year) decile of ideology in 1958, then sample a counterfactual party primary for each 2012 respondent given their ideology decile and the 1958 rate of participation in each primary. We then used observed 2012 primary turnout to describe the primary voters. We sample party primary at each posterior iteration, calculate the party medians, and present the posterior median and credible interval of the distance between medians in the figure.
 
15
Following the coding in the ANES, the set of states coded as “South” here are Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Washington, DC, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia and West Virginia. We choose a broad definition of the South in order to err on the conservative side in our results. If we have included states that rightfully belong in another region, our findings will be weaker as a result.
 
16
In “Appendix”, we explore whether sorting among primary voters is greater than sorting among partisan identifiers, by region.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Southern realignment, party sorting, and the polarization of American primary electorates, 1958–2012
verfasst von
Seth J. Hill
Chris Tausanovitch
Publikationsdatum
16.10.2017
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Public Choice / Ausgabe 1-2/2018
Print ISSN: 0048-5829
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-7101
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-017-0478-0

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